
Class. 
Book. 



AMD 



. O-c 



GopyrighlN^. 



CflJKRIGRT DEPOSm 



WHAT SHALL I THINK OF JAPAN? 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

NEW YORK • BOSTON ■ CHICAGO • DAtLAS 
ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN & CO., Limited 

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. 

TORONTO 



WHAT SHALL I THINK 
OF JAPAN? 



BY 
GEORGE GLEASON 

NINETEEN YEARS YMCA SECRETARY IN JAPAN 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
1921 



All rights reserved 






Copyright, 1921, ^ 

By the MACMILLAN COMPANY 



Set up and electrotsrped. Published April, 1921 



JUl^-l 1921 
0)C!,A6i7166 



The people of Japan are too often disliked, 
or as they say " misunderstood." Neither 
they nor their neighbors fully comprehend 
the reason. Dare we Americans delay a 
sympathetic attempt to interpret her struggles 
and help Japan find her place among the 

family of nations? 

George Gleason 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Chapter I. Why Another Book? i 

Chapter II. Japan Pro and Con 6 

Chapter III. The Siberian Expedition 21 

Appendix A. Correspondence between the Allied Powers 

and Admiral Kolchak 34 

Appendix B. Number of Troops in Siberia 43 

Appendix C. Cost to Japan of the Siberian Expedition 44 

Chapter IV. Foreign Diplomacy to 1914 • • 45 

Appendix. Text of the Shantung Treaty between China 

and Germany "^ 

Chapter V. Blunders 7i 

Appendix. The Twenty-one Demands 80 

Chapter VI. Signs of the New Japan ■ - 94 

Appendix A. Platforms of the Friendly Society (Yuai- 

kai) -^ "3 

Appendix B. Professor Yoshino on Japan's Dual Gov- 
ernment ^^4 

Chapter VII. Japan in Manchuria 120 

Chapter VIII. Japan in Korea i37 

Chapter IX. Japan and China 167 

Appendix A. Statement by Japanese Public Men re- 
garding the Return of Shantung 192 

Appendix B. Ultimatum issued by Japan to Germany, 

August 15, 1914 ; • • ^94 

Appendix C. Non-Japanese Foreign Concessions in 

China 19s 

Chapter X. Japan and America ^97 

Appendix A. Ishii-Lansing Agreement of November 2, 

1917 • ^^* 

Appendix B. Letter from Premier Hara 216 

Chapter XL The Future of Japan 218 

Chapter XIL Can Japanese be Christians? 246 

Bibliography ^7i 

Index ^73 



WHAT SHALL I THINK OF JAPAN? 




/s 



\) 



/Chits 



^fcp 






4- 

if.- 



■-^e^ 









Li ^„ 






'^^ 






u 



^Shanghai l^ 

*^g China Sea u ^ 
7ai^oku ^ 

hCFORHOSA) 

Tainan 



:o^oi.«** 




WHAT SHALL I THINK OF 
JAPAN? 

Chapter I 
WHY ANOTHER BOOK? 

"Why is it that when we want to like Japan she makes it so 
hard for us to do so?"— ^ Philadelphia Quaker 

One of my first experiences in Siberia in the fall 
of 191 8 was a 3,500 mile trip through the Japanese 
Camps in a forty-foot combination club and canteen 
freight car with my former Japanese associate in 
Osaka. Those jolting nights on my little army cot 
when I felt as if only a special intervention could 
keep me from jellifying, the long working days, 
one beginning at six and ending at three the next 
morning, the eager hands stretched over the counter 
at every stop begging to buy from our canteen, the 
quick change from the crimson colors of fall to the 
snows of the northern winter, all remain as happy, 
vivid memories. We stopped at nearly every station 
where Japanese troops were located. When there 
was telephone connection the Japanese officers or 
Russian railroad men informed the next town of our 
coming so that whatever the time, be it day or night. 



2 WHY ANOTHER BOOK? 

there was always an impetuous greeting awaiting 
us. At one station where we arrived in the evening 
just after dark we looked out and saw the whole 
horizon on fire. From the soldiers we learned that 
their army had just returned to the railroad and by 
these camp fires the boys were trying to keep them- 
selves and their horses from freezing. The ther- 
mometer was down below zero. Some of these 
fellows who had not washed for a week looked more 
like negroes than Japanese. After that the grimy 
hands were those I always liked to serve first. We 
also did a little for the Russian railroad men and 
their families, some of whom had not tasted sweets 
for weeks. On returning to Japan I collected several 
thousand boxes of candy for the sugar hungry Rus- 
sian children. 

When we came out of the wilds of the Amur Line 
and began to meet English-speaking people on the 
Chinese Eastern Railroad I was amazed at the 
almost universal criticism of the Japanese. With 
one exception, I believe, every foreigner I met 
had his stock of an ti- Japanese tales, some true, 
some exaggerated and some without any basis in 
fact. 

One illustration: At Bukedu in western Man- 
churia I was told that when an American Army 
pay car was on the way from Vladivostok to Ha- 
barovsk Japanese railroad guards attempted to 
board the car and make an examination. The 
American soldiers protested and when a Japanese 
persisted in forcing his way in, the American soldier 



ANTI-JAPANESE TALES 3 

ran him through with a bayonet and tossed him off 
the car dead. 

I happened to be at Habarovsk the very day that 
pay car arrived and knew the facts. Japanese guards 
at one of the stations had been over zealous in their 
search for Bolsheviki travelers. When they at- 
tempted to board the American car they were 
peremptorily ordered to keep away, which they did. 
The report of a slight disagreement, in 1500 miles of 
travel, had grown to a bayonet thrust and a dead 
man on the tracks. 

But the impressive fact was, not that some stories 
had been exaggerated or were pure fabrications, but 
that every foreigner I met was simply stuffed with 
them. That one of our associated Powers, the 
country I had been trying to serve for nearly twenty 
years, was thus disliked by the other members of 
the Siberian expedition seemed to me a very serious 
problem, menacing both the future of Japan, and all 
other international relationships in the Far East. 

When I returned to Vladivostok there also I found 
a noticeable change. People who five weeks before 
had spoken most kindly of Japan now had an air of 
suspicion, were ready with stories of haughty acts of 
Japanese officers, and reported misdeeds of the 
soldiers towards the Russians. Later during a trip 
through Manchuria, North China and Korea, I 
found a burning anti-Japanese spirit. One Chinese 
student in Peking, standing before a lady missionary 
about to return to Yokohama, straightened up and 
said with flashing eye: "Will you please tell your 



4 WHY ANOTHER BOOK? 

Nippon friends that there isn't a man, woman, or 
child in China who doesn't hate the Japanese." 
In America, too, after my return I soon discovered 
that the discussions about Shantung, the reports of 
cruelties in Korea and the general suspicion created 
by the Siberian situation had turned many against 
Japan. 

What have been the causes of this change of atti- 
tude? I have spent more than a year trying to get 
to the bottom of this problem, and in doing so have 
been led back into a study of Japan's relations with 
the outside world since our American Commodore 
Perry sailed into Yedo Bay in November, 1853. 
The results of these months of special investigation 
have impelled me to attempt an interpretation of the 
inner life of this rapidly evolving nation. 

Most recent books on Japan impress me as par- 
tisan. Either the writer deliberately paints over 
the dark spots in her modern policies; or, discovering 
in the "Twenty-One Demands" on China evidence 
of militaristic ambition, he puts on his red goggles 
and reads back into all Japanese diplomacy the law 
of tooth and claw. 

Let us try to distinguish frankly and impartially 
between right and wrong in modern Japan. My 
Japanese friends who read these pages will, I hope, 
see why Japan has made so many enemies and will be 
helped to know what in her thinking and conduct 
must be changed if she wishes to be welcomed among 
the nations. Such a welcome is, for Japan, a sine 
qua non of her future development. To the Anglo- 



RIGHT AND WRONG IN JAPAN 5 

Saxon race I make a plea to cease repeating worn 
out criticisms, to discern the conflict now raging 
between reactionary conservatism and progressive 
democracy, and with Christian sympathy to support 
the pioneers of the new Japan. 



Chapter II 
JAPAN PRO AND CON 

"If one should ask — no matter whom 
What type of soul Japan has won, 
Tell him: — 

A mountain cherry tree in bloom 
Splendid before the rising sun." 

— Japanese Poem 

One of the most interesting recent writers on 
Japan early in his book warningly says: 

"Most foreigners in Japan are ranged in two 
opposing camps — labelled pro- or anti-Japanese. 
The visitor is in danger of being haled into one 
or the other of these camps and thus runs the 
risk of becoming hopelessly biassed or one- 
sided." 

(Amos R. Hershey: Modern Japan^ page 4) 

The following stories illustrate the confusion: 
"Japanese laborers were employed on my railroad 
in America, and on my private car I discharged the 
colored porters and employed only Japanese. I 
liked them. I was treated well in Japan. But since 
seeing how they have acted over here in Siberia I'll 
never employ another Japanese as long as I live." 
Thus spoke an American railroad man in Febru- 

6 



CONFLICTING REPORTS 7 

ary, 191 9, as we rode between Harbin and Vladi- 
vostok on a slowly moving train of the Chinese 
Eastern. 

By contrast read the words of Major General 
Graves, the Commanding Officer of the American 
Expeditionary Forces in Vladivostok: "We have 
received only the most courteous treatment from 
General Otani (the Japanese Commanding General 
in Siberia) and the other Japanese officers. In the 
distribution of barracks, in cooperation in trans- 
portation, and in all other dealings we have found 
no cause for complaint. They have been fine people 
to work with." 

A writer in The New Republic recently asserted: 
"Japan seldom, if ever, keeps important interna- 
tional promises." Not long after reading this ex- 
travagant statement, I was asked by a well-read 
gentleman in New York if Japan had ever been 
known to break an international agreement. 

One American business man reports that because 
of their dishonesty he has had to give up trade with 
Japanese firms; while another publicly asserts that 
his customers in Tokyo need watching no more than 
his customers in Boston. 

An American traveler who spent six weeks in 
Japan, writing in The Nation says: 

"The most striking and humiliating testimony 
as to business methods in the East came to me 
from a young American architect who has been 
in Japan for the last few years superintending 



8 JAPAN PRO AND CON 

the erection of one of the largest plants in Tokyo. 
He told me that he was dumb-founded at the 
business morals of supposedly reputable Amer- 
ican and British firms in Japan. He had dis- 
covered, he said, that in the purchase of ma- 
terials used in construction he could not trust 
them or the goods they supplied. He found it 
better to deal with Japanese firms." {The 
Nation^ December 2,7, 191 9) 

The above is typical of the Japanese pro and con 
talk one hears all over the world. To acquaint the 
reader more fully with the confusion of fact in such 
stories about Japan I have selected the following 
personally investigated anecdotes from a mass of 
similar material which I collected during my eight 
months in Manchuria and Siberia. These pages will 
illustrate how exaggerated anti-Japanese reports are 
sometimes built on slim foundations. They will also 
reveal a series of errors committed by a certain group 
in the Japanese nation. While our hearts cry out 
against these wrongs, let us remember with friendly 
sympathy that growing number of Japanese who 
are pained equally with us by the mistaken conduct 
of their fellow countrymen. 

The General Knox Incident 

A few weeks after the allied expedition entered 
Siberia, General Knox, the ranking British Officer, 
was riding west over the Chinese Eastern Railway. 
At Bukedu Station, with a Russian officer who was 



GENERAL KNOX 9 

also in British uniform, he was walking on the plat- 
form near his train. A Japanese lieutenant who 
spoke English approached and abruptly said to the 
General: "You are German officer." Imagine the 
effect of such a remark on an Englishman who had 
been fighting the Prussians for four years. With 
great self-restraint General Knox made no reply 
and walked into his car. General Knox was in regu- 
lar uniform and on the outside of his car was painted 
the British flag. Notwithstanding this the Japanese 
officer put a guard on the engine to prevent the train 
from starting, and with another officer and four or 
five soldiers with fixed bayonets entered this private 
car of an allied general and repeated his insulting 
accusation: "You are German officer." This time 
General Knox was very angry and told his accuser 
in plain English it was none of his business. Finally 
General Knox asked the Japanese for his card and 
handed out his own. Even then, when this young 
officer had discovered the rank and nationality of 
this chief of an allied army, he demanded to know 
who the Russian officer was. General Knox replied 
that this was his responsibility, and the Japanese 
left the car. Later when General Knox went to get 
the guard removed from the engine the Japanese 
officer made a slight apology. 

As some publicity was given to this incident, the 
secretary to the Japanese War Minister sent a com- 
munication to an English paper in Tokyo and ex- 
plained that the lieutenant had been punished for 
discourtesy to a high officer of a friendly army, and 



lo JAPAN PRO AND CON 

had been recalled to Japan. {Japan Advertiser^ 
Dec. 28, 191 8.) The Japanese Ambassador in Lon- 
don also called at the British War Office to enquire 
if any further apology should be made. 



Red Cross and YMCA Trains 

In the fall of 191 8 several trainloads of American 
Red Cross and YMCA supplies were shipped across 
the Chinese Eastern Railroad from Vladivostok 
to the west. The cars always displayed conspic- 
uously the Red Cross or the Red Triangle and the 
American flag. There was often also a special guard of 
American soldiers attached to the trains. Notwith- 
standing the obvious nationality and object of these 
trains they were again and again entered and searched 
by Japanese railway guards. Without knocking, with 
no effort at a polite apology, rough booted soldiers, 
often with fixed bayonets, came stamping through 
the corridor of a private car opening all the doors 
and sometimes insisting on taking down the names 
of all on board. On a YMCA train, the head of 
which was a Japanese speaking secretary, the annoy- 
ing searchings, at first politely endured, became so 
frequent that at one station when the American 
guards found several Japanese soldiers sitting in the 
compartment of the chief of the train, where on the 
table were his letters and private papers, they drove 
them out at the point of the bayonet. Similar to 
the above is the story told me by an American en- 
gineer: Several soldiers with fixed bayonets once en- 



RED CROSS AND ITALIANS ii 

tered his private car, threw off the papers on the 
couch and sat there watching him, all the time hold- 
ing their guns in readiness. At the same time one 
of their number went back to his room and without 
removing his boots took a nap on the bed. This 
lasted for three hours until they reached another 
station. 

"Fight with Italians" 

"Two Japanese soldiers killed by Italians, one on 
the street and one at the station at Harbin, two 
more when the Italians came through Changchun." 
This was a story I heard from an American engineer. 
The facts I found were that no Japanese soldiers 
had been killed by anybody in Harbin, but that at 
Changchun a real misunderstanding had occurred. 
The following official report of this Italian incident 
was read to me at the Changchun police station from 
a six inch pile of papers reporting "Dealings with 
Foreigners in 191 8." 

"On October i6th at 6:30 a. m. a train containing 
three Italian officers and 204 soldiers arrived at the 
junction of the Japanese and Russian Railroads. 
While they were transferring their baggage at the 
station a Japanese soldier going by was stopped by 
the Italian guard. The Japanese reported the mat- 
ter to his captain who came out from his office in 
the station and demanded that the soldier be allowed 
to pass the disputed point. As they could not under- 
stand each other a warm disagreement arose. The 
Italians fixed bayonets and stood at attention on one 



12 JAPAN PRO AND CON 

side of the station and the Japanese were called out 
and did the same on their side. A superior Japanese 
officer from general headquarters a mile away rushed 
over in his auto, investigated and explained the mat- 
ter to the Italians and ordered his men to retire. 
The dispute arose over the right to a train. As the 
cars were furnished to the Italians by the Japanese 
who had obtained them from the Russians the young 
Japanese captain hotly claimed the right to be con- 
sulted about the matter. The Italians, not knowing 
the circumstances, contested their right to deal di- 
rectly with the Russians and keep the Japanese away 
from the cars. A little language knowledge would 
have prevented the whole trouble. 

"Business Follows the Flag** 

In Siberia I frequently heard that Japanese busi- 
ness men, taking advantage of the political con- 
fusion and the presence of their army, were ruthlessly 
buying up factories, mines and other property. At 
Harbin I met a rabid anti-Japanese Russian. He 
repeated the accusation of commercial aggrandise- 
ment. Now, I thought, I can get the fact I have 
been looking for, and asked him what property had 
been bought. His disappointing reply was: "One 
flour mill and a small electric light station in Old 
Harbin (the smallest of the four districts of the 
city)." As there are 3,500 Japanese residents in this 
city of nearly 200,000 people, where are located in 
the city and vicinity seventeen flour mills, twenty 



JAPANESE BUSINESS IN SIBERIA 13 

bean oil pressing factories and a large British packing 
firm, I was not deeply impressed with evidences of 
Japanese greed. Although hundreds of Japanese 
business men have been cruising around in Siberia 
and North Manchuria I cannot discover that any- 
large number, excepting the barbers, laundrymen, 
restaurant and hotel keepers, automobile renters, 
small importers, money changers, bankers and ship- 
pers, are exploiting Russia. Even Dr. Paul S. 
Reinsch, who ought to have access to detailed in- 
formation if there is any available, had to acknowl- 
edge that regarding the big concessions reported to 
have been granted to Japanese he could get no clear 
information. (Cf. Jsia^ Feb.-March, 1920, p. 166) 

Smugglers 

"Japanese are smuggling merchandise into Siberia 
on transports and military trains." This accusation 
I heard from many sources. 

"A car which broke down on being opened was 
found to be full, not of ammunition, but of vodka." 

"A Japanese general who travels up and down the 
line carries with him goods filling four trunks, the 
limit of baggage allowed an officer of that rank." 

These stories all reached me after the trail was 
cold. But I investigated them as well as I could. 
Regarding the contraband-carrying general, an offi- 
cer of his rank may carry any amount of baggage 
he likes, so that the four trunks limit story must be 
a myth. As to the vodka, the Japanese army can- 



14 JAPAN PRO AND CON 

teen is run by contractors in civilian clothes. With 
the permission of the various local commanders they 
purchase goods, ship them on military transports 
and trains and sell them to the soldiers. As Japanese 
sake is sold in all these canteens the vodka story is 
doubtless based on sake shipments for the canteens. 
That the Japanese army sold to Russian civilians 
goods on which no duty was paid is to a small degree 
true, since the army allows the canteens to sell to 
anybody. I myself have bought soap, towels, fruit 
and sweets from them, but I know that their non- 
army business is only on a small scale. It does give 
ground, however, for the criticism of cheating the 
Russians out of the customs tax. 

Some other customless goods have been brought 
in and sold to Russians. Mr. Ishikawa, pastor of 
the Russian Orthodox Church in Tokyo, to relieve 
his fellow believers in the Trans Baikal, sent to the 
west on military trains goods which were to be sold 
at cost by the Russian Church authorities. I met 
him at Harbin when he was trying to get off three 
carloads. 

In the early days of the intervention when the 
lack of provisions was desperate, the Japanese army 
and the Economic Relief Society bought goods and 
sent them to Habaroysk and beyond and into the 
Trans Baikal district. Thirty-five carloads were sent 
to the Amur region and on November 2ist 28,000 
poods (500 tons) of flour was sent from Harbin for 
the relief of the famine in Trans Baikal. This was 
sold at Chita at a little less than cost. 



SMUGGLERS 15 

Some smuggling was done. Japanese business men 
were discovered loading their goods on partly filled 
army freight cars and two canteen merchants were 
arrested and punished. As smuggling by Russians 
and Chinese was a regular part of the day's work it 
was only natural that some Japanese should be 
drawn into the maelstrom, but I found no evidence 
that the army deliberately allowed it. 

My most effective attack on the rumor mongers 
was the discovery and tracing up at Harbin in Feb- 
ruary, 1919, of a warm and "very interesting" case 
of suspected opium smuggling on a large scale by 
Japanese army officers. The story was hot gossip 
among the Russian gendarmes, the Chinese Customs 
employes and the officials of the Chinese Eastern 
Railroad. The accused being Japanese and I being 
an American the case if badly handled presented the 
possibilities of an international mix up; if rightly 
handled of a big clearing of the critical atmosphere. 
As Colonel Kurozawa, Chief of Staff of the Japanese 
Quarter Master's Department (Heitanbu), had en- 
couraged me to investigate any concrete accusation, 
I decided to follow up this warm trail across which 
no herring had been drawn. 

The story going the rounds was that some small 
heavy boxes had been brought from the east on a 
Japanese military train and placed in a certain mili- 
tary godown on the outskirts of Harbin. A Japanese 
guard had been put on the building and no Russian 
was allowed to approach. Under the pretext of 
getting a line on the stuff some Russian railroad 



i6 JAPAN PRO AND CON 

clerks had been sent over to measure the godown. 
They were allowed to enter all the other compart- 
ments, but this special suspected one was tightly 
guarded. Grounds for the suspicion were, therefore, 
strong. Japanese army officers, rumor continued, 
had approached a Russian smuggler and offered to 
hand over these opium cases if he would divide the 
profits. The quantity being so large the smuggler 
did not dare to touch it unless he could get some 
railroad man in on the deal. The official approached 
said he would not mix up in it, and finally consulted 
General Horvath, chief of the Chinese Eastern, as 
to whether they should prosecute the Japanese 
officers. General Horvath ordered that nothing be 
done. Neither the Railroad nor the Chinese Customs 
would take up any case against the Japanese Army. 
This all certainly sounded "very interesting." 

By appointment we met in the early forenoon at 
the office of the Station Master Krapivinski — Colo- 
nel Kurozawa and his three officers, the Station 
Master and his burly clerk, my Russian interpreter 
loaned from the Chinese Customs and I. The at- 
mosphere was tense. I doubt if ever before in the 
history of the Japanese Army had an officer volun- 
tarily presented himself for examination before such 
a tribunal. I introduced the Colonel and explained 
to the railway chief that I was trying to promote 
international friendship and thought here was a good 
chance to clear up an ugly rumor. I added that the 
Japanese had agreed to have the suspected godown 
examined, on condition that if no contraband was 



SMUGGLERS 17 

discovered the Station Master would apologize and 
see that such gossip stopped. He readily agreed and 
added that it would be a real relief to him to have 
the matter settled. 

Then a strange but fortunate thing happened. 
The godown which was originally pointed out to me 
as the suspected one and which Colonel Kurozawa 
had agreed to open was near the Station. The one 
they proposed to examine this morning was an old 
Russian munitions storehouse, the Intendanski Ros- 
jest, on a siding two miles out from the town. The 
Colonel and his officers went up in the air, my heart 
stopped beating and I thought the jig was up. But 
they came down again and Bushido won the day. 

"All right," said the Colonel with some heat, "tell 
the Station Master that we will open any godown 
in Harbin for his examination. The honor of the 
Japanese Army has been attacked. We're ready to 
go to the limit." 

The Rubicon had been crossed. It was also per- 
fectly evident that the stage had not been set. In 
two autos kindly provided by the Colonel we all, 
excepting the Station Master, made our way in the 
cold February winds out to the big godowns. They 
lined the double railroad tracks for nearly a quarter 
of a mile. The excitement of the big railroad clerk 
was amusing to see. What a story he would have 
to repeat before an admiring audience at the club 
tonight! And perhaps he would get the reward 
from the Chinese Customs for exposing a smuggling 
game. 



i8 JAPAN PRO AND CON 

The big doors of the first compartment were thrown 
open by the guard. Field guns and ammunition! 
Next compartment had boxes, overcoats and clothing 
only. Another, heavy artillery ammunition in neatly 
painted boxes. "Nothing doing here," said the rail- 
way clerk. "These aren't the suspected compart- 
ments anyway. They are at the other end." Down 
to the end we marched and number one was opened 
up. A motley array of belts, cartridge cases, guns 
and military stores captured from the Bolsheviks. 
"Where are the small boxes?" anxiously inquired 
the big blue coated investigator. In number two 
among the ammunition cases he found some smaller 
boxes. "Open one up," ordered the Colonel. An 
orderly produced a nail puller and the top was jerked 
off. Four three inch brass shells. The poor clerk 
was getting cold feet. 

After more munitions, a pile of Standard Oil tins 
containing carbide for auto lights, stacks of carts 
and harnesses, cases of shovels and bales of fodder, 
we finally in number four found a tin box with a 
screwed-on top. 

"What's here?" 

"Ammunition." 

"May we open it?" 

"Offwiththetop!" 

The soldiers drew out an explosive which looked 
like big pieces of chewing gum. 

"May I take a piece?" asked the clerk. 

"Certainly, but don't put it near your matches," 
was the Colonel's laconic reply. 



SMUGGLERS 19 

After number five the big Russian had had enough. 
His countenance fell. 

"Shall I apologize now?" he asked. We agreed 
that he should report to his chief and let the apology 
come from him. 

Back to the autos we went, a crestfallen clerk, 
some happy but none the less indignant officers, a 
custom house interpreter who began to look wise 
and an American who was still wondering what the 
Japanese would think of the whole performance. 

Arriving at the Station Master's office the clerk 
made his report. He exhibited the piece of chewing 
gum explosive as the nearest thing to opium he could 
find. The gentlemanly official then three times apol- 
ogized to Colonel Kurozawa and thanked him for 
his great trouble in helping to clear away the sus- 
picion. 

"After this," he continued, "whenever a railroad 
man starts any such story we will at once stop the 
rumor and punish the man who started it. In case 
the gossip does not die down we will report the 
matter to you." 

Again he apologised to the Colonel for taking his 
whole forenoon for this disagreeable business, thanked 
me for bringing them together, and we parted the 
best of friends. 

As my mystified Custom House interpreter left 
me, his face lighted up. 

"Now I understand," he said, "I understand. 
This is a story invented by the real smugglers to 
draw a herring across their own trail." 



20 JAPAN PRO AND CON 

Are the Japanese Honest? 

I cannot resist here referring to the oft repeated 
question: "Why do the Japanese employ Chinese 
cashiers in their banks?" Let David Starr Jordan 
reply: "In 191 1 there were 2,133 native banks in 
Japan, whereof one had two Chinese tellers, one of 
these being in jail for embezzlement when this count 
was made." The impression that Chinese are han- 
dling the money in Japanese banks has been given 
to visitors in the port cities. These travelers carry 
letters of credit to the British or American banking 
houses. These foreign banking houses were estab- 
lished originally by their agents in China who 
brought over a trained staff of Chinese clerks. As 
much of their business is still done with China and 
as the Chinese are experts in the intricate Oriental 
exchange, Chinese are still retained. The Chinese 
cashier story, therefore, is more of a reflection upon 
Britishers and Americans than upon the Japanese. 

If this chapter has accomplished its purpose it 
will have left the reader with an open mind regard- 
ing our Oriental neighbor. The remaining chapters 
will be an attempt to answer the question: "What 
shall I think of Japan?" 



Chapter III 
THE SIBERIAN EXPEDITION 

Early in the spring of 191 8 the Japanese Govern- 
ment was considering intervention in Siberia. From 
the outset the authorities were divided into two 
parties, the aggressive, which favored the sending of 
a large army through to the Urals to rid the country 
of the Bolsheviks and Germans; and the conserva- 
tive, which hesitated to launch a large undertaking 
so far from the shores of Japan. The party favoring 
intervention was supported by the British army 
officers, many of whom a year later even were still 
expecting the revival in Russia of some form of a 
monarchy. They believed that the only solution of 
the Russian problem was the prompt suppression 
of the Bolsheviks. To this policy of intervention 
President Wilson officially placed America in flat 
opposition. He did this in a note to the Japanese 
Government which Mr. Polk of the State Depart- 
ment in March, 191 8, read to a dinner of the Allied 
Ambassadors in Washington. {The Nation^ Jan. 10, 
1920) 

This policy was favored by the majority in Japan 
and in May, 191 8, the Japanese government defi- 
nitely decided not to dispatch an army to Russia. 

Two months later, however, the American govern- 



22 THE SIBERIAN EXPEDITION 

ment, after further study of the situation, suddenly 
and perhaps without due consultation with her asso- 
ciate announced to Japan that she was going to 
dispatch a small military force to Vladivostok to 
prevent the military stores from falling into the 
hands of the Germans, and also to rescue the Czechs. 
These two were the main purposes of the expedition. 
Japan at once replied that she would join, and a 
public announcement was made at Washington: 
"American troops numbering about 7,000 under 
Major-General William S. Graves, and an equal 
number of Japanese troops under General Kikuzo 
Otani (who as ranking officer will be commander in 
the field) will cooperate with the Czecho-Slovaks 
in undertaking to clear Siberia of the Austrians and 
Germans, liberated prisoners of war, who have been 
trying to control that vast region.*' {The Outlook^ 
Aug. 21, 1918) 

Japan sent her Twelfth Division which made its 
headquarters at Habarovsk and America sent the 
Twenty-Seventh and the Thirty-First Regiments, 
establishing headquarters at Habarovsk and Vladi- 
vostok. A few English, Canadian, French, Italian 
and Chinese soldiers also joined the "Rainbow 
Army." (For exact number see Appendix to this 
chapter.) General Otani, being the ranking officer, 
was made Commander in Chief and a real allied 
army seemed to be organized. The Czechs were 
quickly relieved from the Bolsheviks who were 
pressing them on the front north of Vladivostok; 
and in twenty days from the time they landed the 



JAPANESE AND AMERICANS 23 

Japanese soldiers had advanced 1,000 miles to Blago- 
veschensk, well up on the Amur. As General Yuhi, 
the Japanese Chief of Staff, related the fact he la- 
conically added: "I wonder if ever another army 
advanced as far in so short a time." 

From the first the cooperation at Vladivostok was 
friendly and cordial. General Otani and his staff 
did everything possible to promote unity and good 
feeling. The British and French, perhaps because 
of their large financial interests in Russia, soon dis- 
patched their troops to the interior and supported 
the Czechs and the Omsk Government in their fight 
with the Bolsheviks. The Americans, after the 
sudden opening of the Trans-Siberian in August, 
191 8, and the consequent relief of the Czech army, 
and after the assurance of the safety of the Vladi- 
vostok stores were soon left with nothing further to 
do. They settled therefore at Habarovsk, Vladivo- 
stok and nearby towns where there were Russian 
barracks and adopted a policy of watchful waiting. 
There was much to watch and long to wait. Sud- 
denly strange reports began to roll into Vladivostok 
that large bodies of Japanese troops had appeared 
in the Trans-Baikal Province, at Irkutsk, Chita, up 
on the Amur Line and in North Manchuria. Ques- 
tions put to the Japanese Staff brought the reply 
that these troops were not under General Otani's 
command. At once all sorts of wild rumors filled 
the air. Intelligence officers were sent out by the 
Americans to investigate movements of the Japanese 
troops and to try to find out what they were about. 



24 THE SIBERIAN EXPEDITION 

Even though I had a letter of introduction from 
Baron Goto, the Foreign Minister, when I arrived 
in Vladivostok on September 19th, I could not make 
out the puzzle until early in November. After 
traveling nearly 4,000 miles in a YMCA club freight 
car over the Amur Line to Chita and back to 
Vladivostok I finally learned from a Japanese army 
officer that Japan had three separate armies in Siberia 
and North Manchuria — the Twelfth Division coop- 
erating with the Allies at Vladivostok, the Seventh 
Division with headquarters at Manchuli which was 
guarding the Chinese Eastern Railway, and the 
huge Third Division with headquarters at Chita. 
The Twelfth Division was controlled from Vladivo- 
stok, the Seventh Division from the Kwantung Ad- 
ministration at Port Arthur, the Third Division 
directly from the General Staff in Tokyo. The re- 
sult was that General Otani who was supposed to 
be the head of the inter-allied expedition in Siberia 
was in command of only a third of the Japanese 
Army, and complaints brought to him of the con- 
duct of the soldiers of the Third and Seventh Divi- 
sions he had to acknowledge he was powerless to 
touch. 

These facts gradually becoming known at the 
Vladivostok national headquarters killed that com- 
plete faith and trust in Japan which characterized 
the early days of the expedition. Rmnors were also 
circulated that Japanese troops had appeared at 
the mouth of the Amur, at a place east of Kirin on 
the coast of Manchuria and on the trade route from 



JAPAN'S THREE DIVISIONS 25 

Mongolia. Thus, rumor said, Japan had control of 
every commercial door into eastern Russia. "What 
has Japan up her sleeve?" was the universal question. 
The country which had announced in July that she 
would join America in sending a small expedition of 
7,000 or 8,000 troops now had over 70,000 in Siberia 
and Manchuria north of Changchun. Japanese who 
are perplexed at the cause of so much anti-Japanese 
feeling in northern Asia will find in this uncooperative 
method of dispatching her troops a chief cause for 
the recent widespread suspicion. Army men may 
afBrm that Japanese citizens and their interests in 
Manchuria were in danger and the dispatch of large 
forces was the only method of protecting them as 
well as the Czechs; diplomats may explain that with 
the decision to join America in a small expedition 
the pro-intervention-on-a-large-scale party took the 
bit in their teeth and ran away with the Foreign 
Office; others may say that America was notified of 
this change of plan. But many who knew the facts 
of the presence of these three armies, remembering 
as all foreigners in the Far East do the "Twenty- 
one Demands" on China in 191 5, concluded that 
somewhere in Japan there was a plan for enhancing 
Japan's prestige in Northern Asia while the Allies 
were wrestling with Germany in the trenches of de- 
vastated France. This conclusion that behind the 
deeds of the spring of 191 5 and the summer of 191 8 
was a purpose contrary to the new spirit of inter- 
national dealings has roused suspicions which were 
confirmed by the insistent demands at Paris for 



?6 THE SIBERIAN EXPEDITION 

Shantung and by the aggressive military action in 
Siberia after the withdrawal of the other armies in 
the spring of 1920; and which will require not months 
but years of honest generous diplomacy to remove. 

Annihilation of the Tanaka Detachment 

On February 26th, 191 9, at Yufuka in the Amur 
district a detachment of 250 Japanese soldiers under 
Major Tanaka was surprised in the night by a strong 
force of Russians and completely annihilated. At 
about the same time around Blagoveschensk there 
were several other engagements so that the total 
loss of Japanese in encounters with so-called Bolshe- 
viks up to August, 1919, was 573 killed and 473 
wounded. These losses coming to the Japanese 
army alone while the other allies were almost un- 
touched aroused not a little resentment in Japan, 
and as the Tokyo Nichi Nichi expressed it "worked 
considerably on the nerves of the Japanese Govern- 
ment authorities." 

Some of the newspapers vented their irritation on 
the War Office and some on the Americans. The 
Osaka Mainichi in its issue of March 4th: 

"In this unfortunate encounter (at Yufuka) we 
must see evidences of the complete loss of influence 
and popularity of our expeditionary forces in Siberia. 
Our army Commander, Otani, the so-called Gen- 
eralissimo of the Allied Forces, is not at all recog- 
nized as such among the armies of the several coun- 
tries. As a result the situation in Siberia has given 



THE TANAKA TRAGEDY ^^ 

our men, from the officers down to the common sol- 
diers, the appearance of nothing more than sub- 
ordinate followers of others. This after all proves 
that the policy of the Imperial Government in the 
Siberian intervention has in it no consistency." 

Most of the Tokyo vernacular papers accused the 
American Expeditionary Force of "lacking in the 
spirit of cooperation and being in sympathy with 
the Bolshevik uprisings." The Tokyo Asahi de- 
clared that "the recent engagements which proved 
so disastrous to the Japanese resulted as it did be- 
cause the American military authorities, despite an 
urgent request on the part of the Japanese, declined 
to help the latter in the battle with the Bolsheviks." 

"A Power," said the Kokumin, "has recently been 
very sympathetic towards the Bolsheviks and takes 
an indifferent attitude towards their uprisings, al- 
ways declining to help the Japanese troops which 
have engaged in battles which have resulted in 
serious losses to the Japanese." 

Most of the papers reported that before the terrible 
annihilation of Major Tanaka's detachment the 
Americans at Harbarovsk had been asked to send 
reinforcements and had rejected the request. But 
neither Colonel Styer nor General Graves had de- 
clined the proposal, as is made plain in the following 
report given out to press correspondents on March 
14th by the American headquarters in Vladivostok: 

"On February 14th General Oi, the Japanese 
commander at Habarovsk, asked Colonel Styer for 
a company of American troops to assist in suppress- 



28 THE SIBERIAN EXPEDITION 

ing a Bolshevik uprising in Blagoveschensk district. 
Colonel Styer referred the matter to General Graves 
at Vladivostok who sent his Chief of Staff Colonel 
Robinson to enquire whether the revolt was actually 
a Bolshevik uprising or whether the people were 
simply arming themselves in an effort to have pro- 
tection against the cruelty practised on them by the 
Cossacks. Behind General Graves' question was 
the determination not to use American troops against 
people who were merely resisting persecution and 
violence. General Yuhi, the Japanese Chief of Staff, 
said he had no information tending to prove that 
the persons referred to were Bolsheviks and he asked 
General Graves to take no action pending word from 
him. Since then General Graves has heard nothing 
from General Yuhi." (Quoted in North China Star^ 
March 25, 191 9) 

This is one of several cases of friction arising from 
the lack of an allied policy which Japan, as the most 
interested party, should have promoted. 

Japanese and American Policies Compared 

The Americans took pride in the fact that although 
they did their best to relieve the little Czech army 
up on the Ussuri in the summer of 191 8 and made a 
forced march of seventy miles through indescribable 
mud and rain, some of the soldiers doing the last 
day's seventeen miles in bare feet, the Americans in 
the first eight months never killed a Russian. Amer- 
icans did not attack Bolsheviks because in regard to 



JAPANESE AND AMERICAN POLICIES 29 

Russia their minds were not made up and they sus- 
pected that those who shot Bolsheviks were shooting 
at an idea, and "you can't kill an idea with a gun." 
As one thoughtful American said, "It may be that 
Russia is in the throes of bringing to birth a new 
economic basis of human relations which may be as 
great a contribution to human progress as Luther's 
Reformation and the Abolition of the Slaves. Birth 
means travail. Prematurely stop the travail and 
death results. Of only one thing are we Americans 
sure: the improvement of the railroad will help 
Russia." 

And so the American engineers who came to help 
Russia reorganize her transportation and revive the 
front against Germany, if our above metaphor is 
correct, cooperated in putting a healthy artery of 
peace, plenty and hope through the very heart of 
Russia. By so doing they tried to improve condi- 
tions so that any great idea Russia had to give to 
the world might be born. Americans are not pro- 
Bolshevik, they cannot uphold the destruction of life 
and property nor the rapid consumption of the cap- 
ital and wealth accumulated in the past decades. 
Neither are Americans entirely anti-Bolshevik. We 
cannot be a party to suppressing the legitimate am- 
bitions of the long oppressed peasants and workers. 
We have, therefore, seen in Siberia that the one 
thing we could safely do was to improve the rail- 
road, guard it and announce to the people that they 
must keep their quarrels away from the railway 
zone. This policy of neutrality between the Omsk 



30 THE SIBERIAN EXPEDITION 

Government and the Bolsheviks made the Ameri- 
cans persona non grata to both sides. But under- 
neath all the acts of the Americans has been the 
conviction expressed by General Graves when I 
first met him: 

"The Russians must be made to believe that the 
Allies are working to get the will of the people car- 
ried out in the Russian Government. Only when 
the people are thus convinced will they welcome us." 

Thus both the military and political policies of 
Japan and America in Siberia have been different. 
The same may perhaps be said of policies of the 
other Allies. But as both the American and the 
Japanese people were given to understand that their 
governments were cooperating the discovery that 
they were not has aroused ill-will. This has expressed 
itself in caustic newspaper articles and in the friction 
evidenced in the stories related above. 

Due allowance must, of course, be made for fric- 
tion arising through language difficulties. Lack of 
knowledge of English and Russian by the Japanese 
army men and of Japanese by the other associated 
powers probably accounts for more than half of the 
little unpleasant incidents. As I speak their language 
I have had only one or two disagreeable experiences. 
In fact, unfriendly acts from my own countrymen 
have been more frequent than from the Japanese. 

In studying the Japanese in Siberia one should also 
remember that the Nippon soldier has been trained 
to fight and not to make friends. As the Siberian 
expedition was essentially a campaign of friendship 



CONCLUSION 31 

the Japanese were handicapped at the start. They 
did, however, make honest efforts to remove all 
causes of offence and since the first of December, 
191 8, with rare exceptions acted towards both the 
Russians and Allies with great punctiliousness. At 
Christmas a most thoughtful act of courtesy was 
performed. Their Majesties the Emperor and Em- 
press presented every American soldier with cigar- 
ettes, the Crown Prince sent candy and the Soldiers' 
Relief Society sent each man a cake of soap, a pack- 
age of writing paper and a set of post cards. 

Conclusion 

At the end of 191 8 there were three unfinished 
international tasks in Siberia: 

1 . The development of a United Military Program. 

2. The development of a United Political Program. 

3. The solution of the Railroad Problem. 

If Japan, before the Peace Conference acted, could 
have led the associated Powers to unite in these three 
ways she might have won the right at that time to 
be called the Preserver of the Peace of the Orient. 

The question of the railroad management was 
settled late in January and in March public announce- 
ments began to be made. By May the 160 American 
engineers, 130 Japanese and a few Chinese, British, 
French, Italians, and Czechs were helping the Rus- 
sians to put their traffic system in order. A united 
military and political program was harder to achieve. 
The cause can be found partly in the history of Japan 



32 THE SIBERIAN EXPEDITION 

and America, and I might add England too. But 
the chief cause for the continued confusion was 
Japan's lack of frankness. Not only did she send 
her second and third armies without due conference 
with the associated Powers, but when they were 
united under General Otani on December 5 th no 
public announcement was made. Also she failed to 
consult with her Allies regarding the return of the 
34,000 soldiers which was abruptly announced on 
December 28 th, and finally not until the other 
armies had withdrawn did she publicly acknowledge 
her support of the Cossack Atamans, Semenov and 
Kalmikov. 

The other Powers, knowing that Japan was acting 
thus independently, also continued their separate 
policies, until the confusion became so great that 
they all decided, outside of cooperating on the rail- 
road management, to worry along until orders should 
come from the Paris Conference. Such instructions 
never came. An effort at united action, delayed and 
abortive, was finally made in May, 1919, when a 
note signed by Lloyd George, Clemenceau, Orlando, 
Makino and Wilson was sent offering on certain 
conditions united aid to Admiral Kolchak. (Cf. 
Appendix to this chapter for the full text.) Kolchak 
accepted the conditions and American arms were 
shipped. This was a disappointing reversal of the 
American policy of strict neutrality. It accom- 
plished nothing, as Kolchak was soon overpowered 
by the Soviet forces, and it lost us the moral leader- 
ship in both Russia and Japan which we had won 



JAPAN DESERTED 33 

by a consistent policy of patient neutrality and 
friendly service to all the Russians. 

The delay in treaty ratification by the American 
Senate prevented the early functioning of the League 
of Nations. The American Government, without 
waiting for the repatriation of the Czechs or the 
formation of a united policy for Siberia, and without 
full consultation with Japan, prompted evidently by 
confused political conditions at home, abruptly an- 
nounced in January, 1920, the intention to remove 
from Siberia all Americans including soldiers. Red 
Cross workers and railroad engineers. Suddenly 
deserted by her associates Japan, ambitious for con- 
trol of new wealth and fearful of Bolshevism, wav- 
ered for two months between complete withdrawal 
and reinforced military occupation. With the dis- 
solution of the Diet late in February and the conse- 
quent removal of restraint on the military party the 
government early in April announced its decision to 
remain in Siberia. A policy of aggressive control of 
the railroad east of Lake Baikal seems to have been 
adopted. Thus resulting from President Wilson's 
invitation in 191 8 for a cooperative expedition we 
see Japan forcibly intrenching herself in eastern 
Siberia, adding the Russians to her list of neighbor 
enemies, while America washes her hands and goes 
home. Confusion at Washington and indecision in 
Tokyo have created a Siberian problem pregnant 
with grave perils. 



34 APPENDIX 

Appendix to Chapter III 

A. Correspondence between the Allied and Asso- 
ciated Powers and Admiral Kolchak (John 
Spargo: ''Russia as an American Problem," pp. 
392-401) 

I 

Despatch to Admiral Kolchak, dated May 26, 191 9 

The Allied and Associated Powers feel that the 
time has come when it is necessary for them once 
more to make clear the policy they propose to pursue 
in regard to Russia. 

It has always been a cardinal axiom of the Allied 
and Associated Powers to avoid interference in the 
internal affairs of Russia. Their original interven- 
tion was made for the sole purpose of assisting the 
struggle against German autocracy and to free their 
country from German rule, and in order to rescue 
the Czecho-Slovaks from the danger of annihilation 
at the hands of the Bolshevik forces. 

The Overtures to Moscow 

Since the signature of the armistice on November 
II, 191 8, they have kept forces in various parts of 
Russia. Munitions and supplies have been sent to 
assist those associated with them at a very consid- 
erable cost. No sooner, however, did the Peace 
Conference assemble than they endeavored to bring 
peace and order to Russia by inviting representatives 
of all the warring governments within Russia to 



DESPATCH TO ADMIRAL KOLCHAK 35 

meet them, in the hope that they might be able to 
arrange a permanent solution of Russian problems. 

This proposal, and a later offer to relieve the dis- 
tress among the suffering millions of Russia, broke 
down through the refusal of the Soviet government 
to accept the fundamental conditions of suspending 
hostilities while negotiations for the work of relief 
were proceeding. 

Some of the Allied and Associated Governments 
are now being pressed to withdraw their troops and 
to incur no further expense in Russia, on the ground 
that continued intervention shows no prospect of 
producing an early settlement. They are prepared, 
however, to continue their assistance on the lines 
laid down below, provided they are satisfied that it 
will really help the Russian people to liberty, self- 
government, and peace. 

The Allied and Associated Governments now wish 
to declare formally that the object of their policy is 
to restore peace within Russia by enabling the Rus- 
sian people to assume control of their own affairs 
through the instrumentality of a freely elected Con- 
stituent Assembly, and to restore peace along its 
frontiers by arranging for the settlement of disputes 
in regard to the boundaries of the Russian state and 
its relations with its neighbors through the peaceful 
arbitration of the League of Nations. 

The Conditions of Recognition 

They are convinced by their experiences of the 
last twelve months that it is not possible to attain 



36 APPENDIX 

these ends by dealings with the Soviet government 
of Moscow. They are therefore disposed to assist 
the government of Admiral Kolchak and his asso- 
ciates with munitions, supplies, and food to establish 
themselves as the government of All-Russia, pro- 
vided they receive from them definite guaranties 
that their policy has the same objects in view as 
that of the Allied and Associated Powers. With this 
object they would ask Admiral Kolchak and his 
associates whether they would agree to the following 
as the conditions upon which they accept continued 
assistance from the Allied and Associated Powers: 

I. That as soon as they reach Moscow they will 
summon a Constituent Assembly, elected by a free, 
secret, and democratic franchise as the supreme 
legislature for Russia, to which the government of 
Russia must be responsible, or, if at that time order 
is not sufficiently restored, they will summon the 
Constituent Assembly elected in 1917 to sit until 
such time as new elections are possible. 

1. That throughout the areas which they at pres- 
ent control they will permit free elections in the 
normal course for all local and legally constituted 
assemblies, such as municipalities, zemstvos, etc. 

3. That they will countenance no attempt to re- 
vive the special privileges of any class or order in 
Russia. The Allied and Associated Powers have 
noted with satisfaction the solemn declarations made 
by Admiral Kolchak and his associates that they 
have no intention of restoring the former land system. 
They feel that the principles to be followed in the 



SUGGESTIONS TO KOLCHAK 37 

solution of this and other internal questions must 
be left to the free decision of the Russian Constituent 
Assembly; but they wish to be assured that those 
whom they arc prepared to assist stand for civil and 
religious liberty of all Russian citizens, and will make 
no attempt to reintroduce the regime which the 
Revolution has destroyed. 

4. That the independence of Finland and Poland 
be recognized, and, in the event of the frontiers and 
other relations between Russia and these countries 
not being settled by agreement, they will be re- 
ferred to the arbitration of the League of Nations. 

5. That if a solution of the relations between 
Esthonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and the Caucasian and 
Trans-Caspian territories and Russia is not speedily 
reached by agreement, the settlement will be made 
in consultation and cooperation with the League of 
Nations, and that until such settlement is made the 
government of Russia agrees to recognize these terri- 
tories as autonomous, and to confirm the relations 
which may exist between their de facto governments 
and the Allied and Associated Governments. 

6. That the right of the Peace Conference to de- 
termine the future of the Rumanian part of Bess- 
arabia be recognized. 

7. That as soon as a government for Russia has 
been constituted on a democratic basis Russia should 
join the League of Nations and cooperate with the 
other members in the limitation of armaments and 
military organization throughout the world. 

Finally, that they abide by the declaration made 



38 APPENDIX 

by Admiral Kolchak's government on November 27, 
19185 in regard to Russia's national debts. 

The Allied and Associated Powers will be glad to 
learn as soon as possible whether the government of 
Admiral Kolchak and his associates are prepared to 
accept these conditions, and also whether, in the 
event of acceptance, they will undertake to form a 
single government, and as soon as the military situa- 
tion makes it possible. 

(Signed) G. Clemenceau, 
D. Ll. George, 
V. E. Orlando, 
WooDROw Wilson, 
Making. 

II 

Reply of Admiral Kolchak to the Powers 

Dated Omsk, June 4, 1919 
(Original in French) 
The government over which I preside has been 
happy to learn that the policy of the Allied and 
Associated Powers in regard to Russia is in perfect 
accord with the task which the Russian government 
itself has undertaken, that government being anx- 
ious above all things to reestablish peace in the 
country and to assure to the Russian people the 
right to decide their own destiny in freedom by 
means of a Constituent Assembly. I appreciate 
highly the interest shown by the Powers as regards 
the national movement, and consider their wish to 



KOLCHAK'S REPLY 39 

make certain of the political conviction with which 
we are inspired as legitimate. I am therefore ready 
to confirm once more my previous declaration, which 
I have always regarded as irrevocable. 



The Constituent Assembly 

(i) On November 18, 191 8, I assumed power, and 
I shall not retain that power one day longer than is 
required by the interests of the country. My first 
thought at the moment when the Bolsheviks are 
definitely crushed will be to fix the date for the 
elections of the Constituent Assembly. A commis- 
sion is now at work on direct preparation for them 
on the basis of universal suffrage. Considering 
myself as responsible before that Constituent As- 
sembly, I shall hand over to it all my powers in 
order that it may freely determine the system of 
government. I have, moreover, taken the oath to 
do this before the supreme Russian tribunal, the 
guardian of legality. All my efforts are aimed at 
concluding the civil war as soon as possible by crush- 
ing Bolshevism in order to put the Russian people 
effectively in a position to express its free-will. Any 
prolongation of this struggle would only postpone 
the moment. 

The government, however, does not consider itself 
authorized to substitute for the inalienable right of 
free and legal elections the mere reestablishment of 
the Assembly of 191 7, which was elected under a 
regime of Bolshevist violence, and the majority of 



40 APPENDIX 

whose members are now in the Sovietist ranks. It 
is to the legally elected Constituent Assembly alone, 
which my government will do its utmost to convoke 
promptly, that there will belong the sovereign rights 
of deciding the problem of the Russian state both 
in the internal and external affairs of the country. 

(2) We gladly consent to discuss at once with the 
powers all international questions, and in doing so 
shall aim at the free and peaceful developments of 
peoples, the limitation of armaments, and the meas- 
ures calculated to prevent new wars, of which the 
League of Nations is the highest expression. The 
Russian Government thinks, however, that it should 
recall the fact that the final sanction of the decisions 
which may be taken in the name of Russia will be- 
long to the Constituent Assembly. Russia cannot 
now, and cannot in the future, ever be anything but 
a democratic state, where all questions involving 
modifications of the territorial frontiers and of ex- 
ternal relations must be ratified by a representative 
body which is the natural expression of the people's 
sovereignty. 

(3) Considering the creation of a unified Polish 
state to be one of the chief of the normal and just 
consequences of the World War, the government 
thinks itself justified in confirming the independence 
of Poland proclaimed by the Provisional government 
of 1 917, all the pledges and decrees of which we have 
accepted. The final solution of the question of de- 
limiting the frontiers between Russia and Poland 
must, however, in conformity with the principles 



KOLCHAK'S REPLY 41 

set forth above, be postponed till the meeting with 
the Constituent Assembly. We are disposed at 
once to recognize the de facto government of Fin- 
land, but the final solution of the Finnish question 
must belong to the Constituent Assembly. 

(4) We are fully disposed at once to prepare for 
the solution of the questions concerning the fate of 
the national groups in Esthonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
and of the Caucasian and Trans-Caspian countries, 
and we have every reason to believe that a prompt 
settlement will be made, seeing that the government 
is assuring, as from the present time, the autonomy 
of the various nationalities. It goes without saying 
that the limits and conditions of these autonomous 
institutions will be settled separately as regards each 
of the nationalities concerned. And even in case 
difficulties should arise in regard to the solution of 
these various questions the government is ready to 
have recourse to the collaboration and good offices 
of the League of Nations with a view to arriving at 
a satisfactory settlement. 

(5) The above principle, implying the ratification 
of the agreements by the Constituent Assembly, 
should obviously be applied to the question of Bess- 
arabia. 

(6) The Russian government once more repeats 
its declaration of November 27, 191 8, by which it 
accepted the burden of the national debt of Russia. 

(7) As regards the question of internal politics, 
which can only interest the powers in so far as they 
reflect the political tendencies of the Russian gov- 



42 APPENDIX 

eminent, I make point of repeating that there can- 
not be a return to the regime which existed in Russia 
before February, 1917. The provisional solution 
which my government has adopted in regard to the 
agrarian question aims at satisfying the interest of 
the great mass of the population, and is inspired by 
the conviction that Russia can only be flourishing 
and strong when the millions of Russian peasants 
receive all guaranties for the possession of the land. 
Similarly as regards the regime to be applied to the 
liberated territories, the government, far from plac- 
ing obstacles in the way of the free election of local 
assemblies, municipalities, and zemstvos, regards 
the activities of these bodies and also the de- 
velopment of the principle of self-government as 
the necessary conditions for the reconstruction of 
the country, and is already actually giving them 
its support and help by all the means at its 
disposal. 

(8) Having set ourselves the task of reestablishing 
order and justice and of insuring individual security 
to the persecuted population which is tired of trials 
and exactions, the government affirms the equality 
before the law of all classes and all citizens without 
any special privileges. All shall (enjoy.?) without 
distinction of origin or of religion the protection of 
the state and of the law. The government whose 
head I am is concentrating all the forces and all the 
resources at its disposal in order to accomplish the 
task which it has set itself at this decisive hour. I 
speak in the name of all national Russia. I am 



NUMBER OF TROOPS IN SIBERIA 43 

confident that, Bolshevism once crushed, satisfactory 
solutions will be found for all questions which equally 
concern all these populations whose existence is 
bound up with that of Russia. 

(Signed) Kolchak 

III 

Dated Paris, June 12, 191 9. 
The Allied and Associated Powers wish to ac- 
knowledge receipt of Admiral Kolchak's reply to 
their note of May 26th. They welcome the tone of 
that reply, which seems to them to be in substantial 
agreement with the propositions which they had 
made and to contain satisfactory assurances for the 
freedom, self-government, and peace of the Russian 
people and their neighbors. They are, therefore, 
willing to extend to Admiral Kolchak and his asso- 
ciates the support set forth in their original letter. 

(Signed) D. Lloyd George, 
WooDROw Wilson, 
G. Clemenceau, 
V. E. Orlando, 
N. Making. 

B. Number of Troops in Siberia 

On September 15, 191 9, Secretary of War Baker 
told the Military Committee of the House of Repre- 
sentatives that there were at that time 60,000 Japa- 
nese troops in Siberia, as against 8,477 Americans, 
I429 British, 1,400 Italians and 1,076 French.' 



44 APPENDIX 

(Quoted from New York Times ^ Sept. i6, 191 9, by 
Spargo, p. 250) 

C. Up to the end of 191 9 Japan had expended on 
the Siberian expedition Yen 300,000,000. (Yukio 
Ozaki in Japan Chronicle^ Feb. 12, 1920) 



Chapter IV 
FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

"Toru sao no kokoro nagaku zo kogi yukan 
Ashima no obune sawari ari tomo." 

(Making long our heart like the punting pole, let us row on, 
Even though the little boat finds many obstacles among the 
reeds.) 

— Emperor Meiji Tenno 

In the next two chapters we shall study Japan's 
contact with foreign countries and attempt to locate 
the date when force began to play too large a part 
in Japan's international dealings. We shall try to 
answer the question: When did Militarism show its 
head in Japan ? 

One phase of Militarism is a national policy of 
expansion by military force. The expansion may be 
territorial or commercial, and the force may be used 
or threatened. In this sense Militarism in Japan 
dates, it seems to me, from about 1914. For sixty 
years after the signing of the treaty with Commodore 
Perry by the Shogun the foreign diplomacy of Japan 
ranks in integrity and fairness with the best of the 
West. Any attempt to read back into the past the 
spirit of the "Twenty-one Demands" on China, and 
the confused policies in Siberia will do an injustice 
to a brilliant nation struggling in narrow limits with 

45 



46 FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

poverty and meager natural resources. On the other 
hand failure on the part of the Japanese to realize 
that for several years their government, slow to dis- 
cern the growing world hatred of Militarism, has been 
backing the wrong horse, will result some day in a 
disastrous and unnecessary setback to her just and 
legitimate progress. 

The first white men to land on the soil of the island 
realm were Portuguese under Mendez Pinto. Bring- 
ing guns, powder, cotton and tobacco, they arrived in 
1542. Seven years later Francis Xavier and his 
missionary band introduced Christianity. For fifty 
years the new religion flourished, until the militaristic 
methods of the missionaries antagonized Toyotomi 
Hideyoshi. In 1597 this "Napoleon of Japan" au- 
thorized a persecution. This decision resulted from 
a casual remark by an obscure Spaniard. A richly 
laden galleon from Manila bound for South America 
had been wrecked and seized by Japanese officers. 
The pilot, wishing to save his vessel, showed his 
captors a map of the world and the vast extent of 
the Spanish possessions. In answering the question 
how these wide domains were obtained he made the 
historic reply: "Our kings begin by sending into the 
countries they wish to conquer missionaries who 
induce the people to embrace our religion, and when 
they have made considerable progress, troops are 
sent to combine with the new Christians, and then 
our kings have not much trouble in accomplishing 
the rest." (Quoted in Putnam Weale: The Truth 
about China and Japan^ p. 25) 



EARLY FOREIGN INTERCOURSE 47 

In 1600 Dutch traders came bringing with them 
the EngHsh pilot. Will Adams. His knowledge of 
ship building won him such favor that he spent the 
remainder of his life in Japan. 

For a time the profits from foreign trade overcame 
the hatred of the Christians. leyasu, the founder of 
the Tokugawa Shogunate, even sent an emissary 
to Europe to observe the conduct of Christians in 
their own country. But the report of inquisitions 
and religious strife, the fear that behind the mis- 
sionaries were the guns of Spain and the suspicions 
which developed locally led the Shogun in 1614 to 
publish an edict banishing the foreign priests. By 
1 640 practically all foreigners had been driven out. 
Only on Deshima, a small island in Nagasaki harbor, 
did a few Dutch traders remain. For two hundred 
years, except for this one small aperture, Japan re- 
mained absolutely sealed against the influences of 
the West. 

Three shocks awoke the self-centered foreigner- 
hating little Empire: 

I. The ready guns on Commodore Perry's ten 
American ships as they steamed into Yokohama in 
February, 1854, demanding an answer to his request 
for a treaty made the previous fall. The whaling 
industry in Russian and Alaskan waters had at- 
tracted thousands of American seamen. In one 
year as many as eighty-six of these whaling vessels 
passed within sight of Japan's shores. Some had 
been wrecked and the sailors mistreated. The Amer- 
ican government demanded that protection for her 



48 FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

citizens should be guaranteed by treaty. The pres- 
ence of an American fleet manned by 2,000 sailors 
threw the Empire into a panic. Orders were given 
that at the seven principal shrines and all the great 
temples "prayers should be offered for the safety 
of the land and for the destruction of the aliens." 
The anti-foreign party finally yielded and the treaty 
was signed. Writing of the peaceful manner of these 
negotiations, Dr. S. Wells Williams, Perry's secre- 
tary, says: "Not a shot has been fired, not a man 
wounded, not a piece of property destroyed, not a 
boat sunk, or a single Japanese who is worse off, so 
far as we know, for the visit of the American ex- 
pedition." {Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Wil- 
liams, by his son. New York and London, 1889) 

2. The bombardment of Kagoshima in 1861 by 
the British. An Englishman had been killed near 
Yokohama by an attendant of the Prince of Satsuma 
for a supposed insult to the dignity of the feudal 
lord. An indemnity was demanded. As it was re- 
fused, the forts of Kogoshima, the Satsuma strong- 
hold in South Japan, were razed and the indemnity 
increased threefold. 

3. The bombardment of Shimonoseki in 1864. 
The two influential clans of Japan were Satsuma and 
Choshu. The Satsuma men had learned their lesson 
at Kagoshima. At Shimonoseki the Choshu leaders 
were to learn theirs. From their forts they had re- 
peatedly fired upon foreign vessels as they steamed 
through the straits. In 1864 a combined squadron 
of British, French, Dutch and American warships 



AROUSED BY WESTERN NAVIES 49 

silenced the forts, spiked every gun and demanded 
an indemnity of $3,000,000. This the Shogun paid. 

These three exhibitions of the military power of 
the western nations stirred Japan. The secrets of 
the West must be unearthed. Foreign books and 
teachers were introduced and students were sent 
abroad. In 1871 the famous Iwakura mission of 
fifty men, including the late Prince I to, travelled to 
the United States and Europe to collect information 
concerning European institutions and methods of 
government. By a rapid imitation and adaptation 
of the science and diplomacy of the West, Japan has 
jumped from calm, ignorant isolation, typified by 
the great Kamakura meditating Buddha, to an 
educated, restless powerful nation quick to hear 
every tap on the wires of the world. 

How did she win her way? With foreign coun- 
tries, by two wars — with China in 1894 and with 
Russia ten years later. It is a curious fact also that 
in just exactly another decade she was fighting Ger- 
many at Tsingtau; so that Japanese say they have 
a war every ten years. 

If ever wars were fought in self defense the wars 
with China and Russia come under that category. 

China-Japan War 

The roots of the war of 1894-5 go back more than 
ten years to the intrigues of T'ai Wen Kun the Re- 
gent of the young Korean King. He was an anti- 
foreign trouble monger. When his son made a 



so FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

treaty with Japan he instigated an attack on the 
Japanese Legation. The Mikado sent troops and 
demanded reparation, and China as the suzerain 
power also sent her troops. These remained in Seoul 
two years. Finally Li Hung Chang invited the 
bothersome Kun to a dinner on board a Chinese 
man-of-war and kidnapped the man, sailing away 
with him to China. But Kun was soon back and 
stirred up a revolution against his pro-foreign son, 
the King. Japan and China intervened again. It 
was at this time that Li Hung Chang and Count I to 
made the treaty which, broken by China in 1894, led 
to the war with Japan. The treaty was concluded 
at Tientsin on April 18, 1885. It was agreed that 
the two contracting Powers should withdraw their 
troops from Korea within four months; and that 
"in case of any disturbance of a grave nature occur- 
ring in Korea which might necessitate the respective 
countries or either of them sending troops to Korea, 
it is understood that each shall give notice in writing 
of its intention to do so, and that after the matter is 
settled they shall withdraw their troops." 

For the next ten years Japan endeavored to reform 
Korea and to keep her an independent state. China 
opposed the reforms and tried to keep Korea under 
her thumb. Finally in May, 1894, the "Tong-haks," 
the predecessors of the "Tendokyo" leaders in the 
recent anti-Japanese demonstrations, rebelled against 
the corrupt Korean Court. The Chinese Resident 
Yuan Shih-K'ai, thinking Japan too busy with her 
own internal troubles to dispatch her soldiers, urged 



CHINA-JAPAN WAR 51 

the Chinese Premier Li Hung Chang to dispatch a 
force to the peninsula. Three thousand troops were 
sent. In accordance with the treaty of 1885 Japan 
was notified that China was sending troops to protect 
her "tributary State." This method of referring to 
Korea was resented by Japan. She responded by 
dispatching a mixed brigade numbering 8,000, made 
up of infantry, cavalry and artillery. The rebellion 
was quickly put down. The troops of both China 
and Japan should have been promptly withdrawn. 
But Japan, weary with the continued uprisings and 
the wretched government of the Court, proposed 
that China join with her in urging reforms. China 
curtly replied that no reforms would be started until 
after the withdrawal of the Japanese troops from 
the peninsula. The King of Korea also requested 
the Japanese to leave, adding that as the Chinese 
had been invited to come her troops might leave 
when they chose. Russia too entered the field and 
emphatically advised Japan to withdraw. Again 
Japan approached China proposing joint action in 
the reforms and insisting on the observance of the 
treaty of Tientsin. China's second curt refusal 
either to join in the reforms or withdraw her troops 
forced Japan to choose between the permanent oc- 
cupation of Korea by China or war. The Japanese 
Minister presented an ultimatum demanding that 
the treaty of 1885 be observed. Yuan Shih-K'ai, 
underestimating Japan's intentions, refused to move. 
The next day, July 23, 1894, the war began. 

The two declarations of war make interesting 



52 FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO ^914 

reading. China haughtily refers to her enemy as 
Wo Jen or Dwarfs, and proclaims that Japan is a 
breaker of treaties and "runs rampant with her 
false and treacherous actions, while China has always 
followed the paths of philanthropy and perfect jus- 
tice throughout the whole controversy." The Japa- 
nese document is moderate in tone and carefully 
worded. 

The war, so unnecessary for China, was for Japan 
a series of easy and continuous victories on both 
land and sea. On April 17th of the following year 
the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed. China ceded 
to Japan Formosa, the Pescadores and the Liaotung 
promontory, including Port Arthur and Dairen. 
She agreed to pay an indemnity, to open some new 
ports and to give Japan further privileges of navi- 
gation in Chinese rivers. 

During this war Japan had 240,000 men engaged, 
besides 61,495 employes and 100,000 coolies. The 
cost of the war was ¥171,020,000, which was all 
met by the indemnity. It was Japan's first modern 
war, and it was fought to keep China from domin- 
ating Korea. This review of the negotiations leading 
to the outbreak of hostilities does not show that 
Japan had any other desire than self-protection. 
For a little study of the map will show that any coun- 
try dominating Korea would have a strangle hold 
upon Japan. After the victory Japan's demands 
were the customary rewards of successful conflicts 
with China, as the dealings of the European nations 
with the Celestial Empire clearly prove. 



AFTER THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR 53 

The Next Ten Years 

The ten years between the China-Japan War and 
the Russo-Japan War were years of perpetual in- 
trigue and counter-intrigue on the part of Russia, 
Germany, England, France and Japan. Only thirty 
years old in modern diplomacy, Japan was an eager 
learner from the more experienced governments of 
the West. The acuteness of her statesmen to dis- 
cern the essential elements in the diplomatic maze 
of this decade gives ground to hope that if the nations 
of the West honestly decide to give up Militarism 
and adopt the diplomacy of open-hearted friendship 
Japan will quickly fall in line and be a powerful ex- 
ponent in the Far East of the new internationalism. 
What were the conditions she faced twenty-five 
years ago? 

On April 23, 1895, just six days after Japan signed 
the peace treaty with China, the paw of the Russian 
Bear fell heavily on the Island Empire. The fruits 
of her first great war were promptly snatched away. 
Backed by the Czar, the Kaiser and the President 
of France, the Russian Minister in Tokyo handed 
to the Japanese Government the following memo- 
randum (condensed): 

"The Government of His Majesty the Czar, in 
examing the conditions of peace which Japan has 
imposed upon China finds that the possession of the 
peninsula of Liaotung would be a perpetual obstacle 
to the peace of the Far East. Consequently the 
Government of His Majesty the Emperor, my au- 



S4 FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

gust Master, would give a new proof of its sincere 
friendship for the Government of His Majesty the 
Emperor of Japan by advising it to renounce the 
possession of the Peninsula of Liaotung." 

Honeyed words concealing the Bear's sharp claws ! 
What could Japan do? With a standing army of 
67,000 men and a navy of 61,000 tons this little 
eastern Empire was in no condition to resist a coali- 
tion of three of the most powerful western states. 
The statesmen of Japan yielded the point and re- 
turned the territory to China in exchange for an in- 
creased indemnity of 30,000,000 taels. The Meiji 
Tenno, after announcing by an edict the above sad 
fact to his people wrote the poem with which this 
chapter begins, signifying that notwithstanding the 
difficulties put in their way by the opposing countries 
his people should patiently push on amid all obstacles. 

Stung to activity, Japan from the following year, 

1896, set on foot an elaborate naval and military 
expansion which enabled her during the war with 
Russia eight years later to put in the field a million 
trained men and in the spring of 1905 to meet Ad- 
miral Rodjesvensky's Baltic squadron at Tsushima 
with a fleet of 300,000 tons. 

But we are anticipating. Shortly after Russia's 
warning to Japan the European Powers began to do 
exactly what they had warned Japan not to do. 
Germany started the ball rolling. On November i, 

1897, two German Catholic missionaries were killed 
in the province of Shantung. This act was com- 
mitted by ruffians and apparently entirely against 



DIPLOMATIC SCRAMBLE IN CHINA 55 

the will of the well-disposed local authorities. Al- 
most as if the stage was set these murders were made 
the pretext by Germany for the capture of Tsingtau 
on November 14th and the firm establishment of her 
control over railways, mines and the resources of a 
large part of this rich province of 36,000,000 people. 
The treaty was signed the following spring. (The 
treaty in full can be found in the Appendix to this 
chapter.) 

On March 28, 1898, just twenty-two days after 
Germany's treaty was signed, a Russian squadron 
steamed into Port Arthur and China handed over 
to the Czar all he had robbed Japan of two years 
before. Imagine the feelings of the Japanese! 

England joining in the diplomatic scramble, took 
Wei Hai Wei, the naval port to the north of Tsingtau, 
with a ten mile strip around the bay. Japan's emo- 
tions can easily be imagined. Wei Hai Wei had 
been held by her soldiers pending the payment from 
China of the indemnity. As her troops sailed out 
the British fleet sailed in. England also extracted 
the promise that the Chinese Government would not 
lease or cede to another Power any part of the vast 
Yangtse Valley with its population of 200,000,000 
people, and strengthened her position in Hongkong 
by taking possession of 200 square miles on the 
nearby mainland. To France a similar assurance 
safeguarded her interests in Tonking. She also ex- 
torted on April loth a concession for a twenty-five 
year lease of Kwang-Chow Bay south of Canton. 
Concerning the French possessions in South China 



S6 FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

recent books on the Far East say scarcely a word. 
It will be well, however, to remember that France 
controls in Indo-China 310,000 square miles, an area 
one-half greater than the homeland in Europe. This 
territory with a population of 17,000,000 natives 
and 13,000 French was taken in a series of aggressive 
wars dating from 1787. The five provinces were 
finally annexed as follows: Cochin-China with the 
port of Saigon, from which nearly a million tons of 
rice are exported annually, was taken from China in 
1863. The following year the protectorate over 
Cambodia was transferred from Siam to the French. 
Annam, Tongking, and the mountainous Laos were 
forcibly annexed, part from China and part from 
Siam, until by 1885 the conquest was cemented by 
the treaty signed with Li Hung Chang at Tientsin. 
Kwang-Chow Bay was finally added in 1 898. (Archi- 
bald Little, The Far East^ pp. 219-242; Indo China 
in Encyclopedia Britannica, and World Almanac) 
We Americans must also remember that it was at 
this time that the United States took the Philippines 
from Spain. This was the world Japan faced as 
Russia's big hulk rose on the horizon. 

The Russo-Japanese War 

As far back as 1891 Japan had learned with some 
alarm of the plan of the Czar's Government to con- 
struct a railway through Siberia to the Pacific. The 
plan was to occupy ten years. Russia then pro- 
ceeded (i) to get permission from China to build the 



BEFORE THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR 57 

road across Manchuria via Harbin to Vladivostok; 
(2) in 1898 to take the Liaotung Peninsula including 
Port Arthur and Dairen; (3) to extract from China 
the right to connect Harbin by rail with these south- 
ern ports; (4) to build the Port Arthur fortress and 
place there a garrison of 20,000 men. All these moves, 
especially the taking from China of the rights sur- 
rendered by Japan less than three years before, pro- 
duced the wildest excitement and anger in Japan. 

The Boxer uprising of June 20 to August 14, 1900, 
was seized upon by Russia to pour into Manchuria 
hordes of troops ostensibly to guard her road. Russia 
further strengthened her hold by getting China to 
agree that without Russia's consent the ports on the 
coast of the Liaotung peninsula should not be open 
to the commerce of other Powers, and that without 
the consent of Russia no railway or mining conces- 
sion should be accorded in the same territory. (In 
these treaties one sees where Japan learned how to 
make her "Twenty-one Demands.") 

In 1899 Russia cleverly extracted an agreement 
from London that England would not interfere with 
Russia's railway schemes north of the Great Wall, 
in return for a similar guarantee by Russia regarding 
England's sphere south of the Wall. Thus, in Rus- 
sian ambitions in Manchuria and Korea, friction 
with Britain was put out of consideration. 

In the same year Russia asked Seoul for the port 
of Masampo on the south-eastern coast of Korea. 
The possession of this port, within actual sight of 
the islands off the coast of Japan, by any country 



58 FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

other than Korea would menace the very existence 
of Japan as an independent state. A vigorous pro- 
test against this intrigue prevented Russia from 
carrying her point. But in these negotiations Japan 
saw the tracks of the Bear not only on the vast fer- 
tile plains of Manchuria, but clearly over the line 
in Korea. 

Then Japan showed her hand. On January 30, 
1902, came the astonishing announcement of the 
Anglo-Japanese Alliance. By this treaty each of the 
contracting parties agreed to remain neutral and to 
try to keep other countries neutral in case one of the 
parties was involved in war; and if a third party 
joined the enemy the other contracting party would 
come to the rescue. This greatly strengthened Japan. 
For the first time in history an eastern state had 
been admitted into a confederacy with a European 
power on terms of complete equality. 

Soon after this began the direct movements of 
Russia which led to the attack by the Japanese fleet 
two years later. The Emperor of Korea had granted 
to a Russian lumber company the right to fell timber 
on the Korean side of the Yalu River. Work actu- 
ally began in April, 1903. This seemingly innocent 
commercial proposition was being turned into license 
to erect fortified stations in Korean territory. Against 
this aggression Japan protested promptly and vigor- 
ously. She saw that if Russia was ever to be checked 
now was the time. 

For a while it looked as if Japan without a war 
might turn Russia back. 



ULTIMATUM TO RUSSIA 59 

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance had strengthened 
the peace party at Petrograd so that in April, 1902, 
China obtained Russia's consent to withdraw her 
troops from Manchuria. But early in 1903 the 
transportation was stopped, the aggressive party in 
Russia again became dominant and Russian soldiers 
began to swarm back again. 

Japan now decided to intervene. In July, 1903, 
she asked Russia to open negotiations on the Man- 
churian and Korean questions. Russia, relieved to 
see that notwithstanding the alliance with England 
Japan was acting alone, agreed to the conversations. 
But her attitude of aggressiveness was such that no 
real progress resulted and on January 13, 1904, Japan 
made her fourth and last statement. 

Throughout the negotiations with Russia Japan 
had held out for the territorial integrity of China 
and Korea and the preservation of the open door 
in both countries; she also demanded that the special 
interests of Russia in Manchuria and Japan in Korea 
should be recognized. Japan was even ready to ac- 
knowledge Russia's right to control a strip of terri- 
tory thirty miles wide on each side of the railway 
line in Manchuria as well as the town of Harbin. 
But Japan did insist that Russia keep out of Korea. 
Here was the rock on which the negotiations split. 
Russia demanded Manchuria for herself but would 
yield Japan no similar rights in Korea. Japan was 
now facing the same problem with Russia which she 
had fought out with China ten years before. She 
realized that the country which held the Korea, 



6o FOREIGN DIPLOMACY TO 1914 

"causeway to Asia," would point "a dagger at 
Japan's throat." 

On February 5 th Mr. Kurino's report from the 
Japanese Embassy at St. Petersburg made plain that 
diplomacy had exhausted itself. Four days later, 
in the darkest hours of the early morning a torpedo 
attack was made on the main Russian fleet at anchor 
outside Port Arthur harbor. Four of the most mod- 
ern Russian battleships and a first-class cruiser were 
disabled. In the afternoon of the same day two 
more warships were attacked and destroyed in the 
harbor of Chemulpo, Korea. 

On land troops were poured across the straits into 
Korea and Liaotung, Japan continuing a series of 
successful fights until she won the great fourteen 
days' battle of Mukden (March 1-14, 1905). This 
was followed on May 20th by the naval battle of 
Tsushima in which Admiral Togo met and totally 
destroyed the great Baltic Squadron. This ended 
Russia's power on the sea. While Russia was still 
formidable on land, both sides were feeling the strain 
in men and money. They therefore gave ear to the 
off^er of mediation made by President Roosevelt, and 
after protracted negotiations concluded the treaty of 
Portsmouth on August 29, 1905. 

At a cost of 135,000 lives and ^800,000,000 (the 
national debt increased from Yen 561,569,000 in 
1904 to Yen 2,217,722,000 in 1907) Japan had driven 
Russia entirely from Korea, had won from Russia 
all her leasehold rights on the Liaotung Peninsula, 
including Dairen and the fortress of Port Arthur, 



END OF RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR 6i 

and had possession of the South Manchurian Rail- 
road, 437 miles long from Dairen to Changchun, 150 
miles south of Harbin. She also received the south- 
ern half of the dreary island of Saghalin which Russia 
had taken from Japan 30 years before. 

"To an amazing degree," says a British writer, 
"those men of the little islands comprehended in- 
ternational matters that were so new to them. To 
Europe the millions of soldiers the Czar was able to 
command were a terror from which the greatest na- 
tions had shrunk. Russia was regarded by Great 
Britain as the first menace to her Empire and by 
Germany as the menace to her existence. But the 
men of Japan who in their youth had worn skirts and 
quaint queues, who daintily fanned themselves and 
drank tea in thimblefuls from delicate cups had gone 
abroad throughout the world and had made their 
own estimate of other men, their laws, their religions, 
and their machines, and had determined that the 
'Great Bear' that lay across Europe and Asia was 
a colossus with feet of clay." 

Although Baron Komura was unable to extract 
an indemnity from the big Count Witte at the Ports- 
mouth Conference, and in consequence the material 
gains of the war seemed relatively so small, the 
moral gains for Japan were inestimable. For the 
first time in modern history an Asiatic had success- 
fully faced a European nation. This placed Japan 
among the world powers and was the beginning of 
that rapid modern development which gave Japan 
a chair at the Peace Table in Paris. 



62 APPENDIX 

Appendix 

Text of the Shantung Treaty of March 6, 1898 

(From The Nation^ Sept. 20, 191 9) 

English Translation 

The incident at the mission-station in the prefec- 
ture of Tsaochoufu in Shantung having now been 
settled by amicable agreement, the Imperial Chinese 
Government regards the occasion as a suitable one 
for giving a special and concrete proof of its grateful 
recognition of the friendship which has hitherto at 
all times been manifested by Germany towards China. 
In consequence, the Imperial German Government 
and the Imperial Chinese Government, inspired by 
the mutual and reciprocal desire to strengthen the 
bonds of friendship between their two countries and 
farther to develop the economic and trade relations 
of the citizens of the two states respectively with 
each other, have concluded the following Special 
Convention: 



Part I. — Leasing-Arrangements Concerning 

KlAOCHOW 

Article I 

His Majesty the Emperor of China, in pursuance 
of the object of strengthening the friendly relations 
between China and Germany, and increasing the 
military preparedness of the Chinese Empire, gives 
his promise — while he reserves to himself all rights 



GERMAN TREATY ON SHANTUNG 63 

of sovereignty in a zone fifty kilometres (one hundred 
Chinese ii) in width surrounding the line of high- 
water mark of Kiaochow Bay — to permit within this 
zone the free passage of German troops at all times, 
and also to make no decree concerning measures of 
policy or administration affecting this zone without 
the previous assent of the German Government; and 
especially not to interpose any hindrance to any 
regulation of the water-courses which at any time 
may become necessary. His Majesty the Emperor 
of China hereby reserves to himself the right, in 
friendly understanding with the German Govern- 
ment, to station troops in the zone above mentioned, 
and also to decree other military administrative 
measures. 

Article II 

With the object of fulfilling the justifiable wish 
of the German Emperor, that Germany, like other 
Powers, may have a place on the Chinese coast under 
its own jurisdiction, for the repair and fitting out 
of its ships, for the storing of materials and supplies 
for the same, and also for the establishment of other 
appliances connected therewith, His Majesty the 
Emperor of China concedes to Germany, by way of 
lease, provisionally for ninety-nine years, both sides 
of the entrance to Kiaochow Bay. Germany under- 
takes to carry through to completion, upon the 
territory conceded to it, the fortifications for the 
protection of the buildings and establishments and 
for the defence of the entrance of the harbor. 



64 APPENDIX 

Article III 

In order to prevent any possibility of conflicts 
arising, the Imperial Chinese Government will not, 
during the term of the lease, exercise rights of sov- 
ereignty, but concedes the exercise of the same to 
Germany, over the following explicitly defined 
territory: 

1. On the northerly side of the entrance of 
the bay: The tongue of land bounded on its 
northeasterly side by a line drawn from the 
northeasterly corner of Potato Island to Loshan 
Harbor. 

2. On the southerly side of the entrance of 
the bay: The tongue of land bounded on its 
southwesterly side by a line drawn from the 
southwesterly point of the inlet situated south- 
westward of Chiposan Island in a straight line 
to Tolosan Island. 

3. The Chiposan Islands and Potato Island. 

4. The whole expanse of water of the bay up 
to the highest water-mark as it is at this time. 

5. All the islands which front upon Kiaochow 
Bay, and which require to be taken into con- 
sideration for the defence of the bay from the 
side towards the sea, namely, for example, 
Tolosan, Tschalientau, etc. 

The high contracting parties bind themselves to 
have planned out and established an exact fixation 
of the boundaries of this territory leased to Germany 



SHANTUNG TREATY 65 

and also of the fifty-kilometre zone around the bay; 
this to be done by commissioners appointed by both 
parties respectively and in a manner adapted to the 
local circumstances. 

Chinese war-ships and merchant-ships shall par- 
ticipate in all privileges in Kiaochow Bay on the 
same basis with the other nations which are on 
friendly terms with Germany, and the entrance and 
departure, as well as the sojourn of Chinese ships 
in the bay, shall be subjected to no other limitations 
than those which the Imperial German Government, 
by authority of the rights of sovereignty over the 
whole extent of the bay ancillary to its landrights 
and hereby conceded to it, may, at any time, by 
public decree, declare to be prohibitions applicable 
to the ships of other nations. 

Article IV 

Germany obligates itself to erect the necessary 
guides and signals for navigation on the islands and 
shoals in front of the entrance to the bay. 

No imports shall be collected from Chinese war- 
ships or merchant-ships in Kiaochow Bay except 
those to which other ships are subjected, for the 
purpose of the upkeep of the necessary harbor and 
wharf establishments. 

Article V 

In case Germany should hereafter at any time 
express the wish to give back Kiaochow Bay to China 



66 APPENDIX 

before the expiration of the term of the lease, China 
obligates itself to make good the expenditures which 
Germany shall have made in Kiaochow, and to con- 
cede to Germany a better place to be under Ger- 
many's own jurisdiction. 

Germany obligates itself never to give any kind 
of leasehold right to any other power. 

The Chinese people residing in the leased territory, 
assuming that they demean themselves in conformity 
with the laws and the public order, shall participate 
at all times in the protection of the German Govern- 
ment. So far as their lands are not included in plans 
for public improvements, they shall be at liberty to 
remain upon them. 

If parcels of real estate owned by Chinese shall 
be included in plans for public improvements, the 
owner shall be indemnified for them. 

As respects the reorganization of the Chinese cus- 
toms stations which, as formerly situated, were out- 
side the leased territory of Germany, but within the 
community-zone of fifty kilometres, the Imperial 
German Government intends to enter into an amic- 
able understanding with the Chinese Government 
in regard to the determinate regulation of the cus- 
toms boundary and the collection of customs, in a 
manner which will protect all the interests of China; 
and it binds itself to enter into further negotiations 
on this subject. 



SHANTUNG TREATY 67 

Part II. — Railroad and Mining Concessions 
Article I 

The Imperial Chinese Government grants to Ger- 
many the concession for the following lines of railroad 
in the Province of Shantung: 

1. From Kiaochow by way of Weihsien, 
Chingchou, Poshan, Tzechuan, and Tsouping 
to Tsinanfu and from thence in a straight line 
to the boundary of Shantung; 

2. From Kiaochow to Ichoufu and from 
thence onwards through Laiwuhsien to Tsinanfu. 

It is understood that the building of the section 
from Tsinanfu to the boundary of Shantung shall 
not be entered upon until after the completion of 
the road to Tsinanfu, in order that an opportunity 
may be given for considering the connection of this 
line with the line to be built by China itself. The 
special agreement to be made after consultation, in 
regard to the details of all the undertakings, shall 
determine the route for this last section. 

Article II 

For the building of the above-named lines of 
railroad, one or more German-Chinese railroad com- 
panies shall be formed. German and Chinese mer- 
chants shall be at liberty to contribute capital there- 
for, and on both sides there shall be named trust- 
worthy officials to supervise these undertakings. 



68 APPENDIX 

Article III 

For the regulation of the details a special agree- 
ment will be drawn up by the high contracting par- 
ties. China and Germany will regulate the matter 
for themselves: nevertheless the Chinese Govern- 
ment hereby obligates itself to the German-Chinese 
railroad companies which are to build the railroads, 
to concede fair terms for the building and operation 
of the designated railroads, so that in all economic 
questions they shall not be placed in a worse posi- 
tion than other Chinese-European companies else- 
where in the Chinese Empire. This provision has 
reference only to economic matters. No part what- 
soever of the Province of Shantung can be annexed 
or occupied by the building of the railroad lines. 

Article IV 

Along the railroads above named within a space 
of thirty li from the lines, especially in Poshan and 
Weihsien on the Kiaochow-Tsinanfu line, and also 
in Ichoufu, and Laiwuhsien on the Kiaochow- 
Ichoufu-Tsinanfu line, it shall be permissible for 
German contractors to work the coal-beds, and 
carry on other undertakings, and also to carry into 
execution the plans for necessary public works. As 
respects these undertakings German and Chinese 
merchants shall be at liberty to associate themselves 
in the furnishing of the capital. As in the case of 
the railroad concessions, so also as respects the work- 
ing of mines, appropriate special arrangements will 



SHANTUNG TREATY 69 

be agreed upon after mutual consultation. The 
Chinese Government hereby promises to concede 
to the German merchants and engineers fair terms 
in all respects, in harmony with the arrangements 
above mentioned undertaken by it in reference to 
railroads, so that the German contractors shall not 
be placed in a worse position than other Chinese- 
European companies elsewhere in the Chinese Em- 
pire. Moreover, this provision has reference only 
to economic matters, and has no other meaning. 

Part III. — Priority Rights in the Province of 

Shantung 

The Imperial Chinese Government obligates it- 
self, in all cases in which for any purposes whatsoever 
within the Province of Shantung the asking of for- 
eign aid in persons, capital or material shall be under 
consideration, to tender the public works and the 
supplying of materials to which the plans relate, 
for a first bid, to German industrial-development- 
engineers and material-supply-merchants who are 
engaged in similar undertakings. 

In case the German industrial-development-en- 
gineers and material-supply-merchants are not in- 
clined to undertake the carrying out of such works 
or the supplying of the materials, China shall be at 
liberty to proceed in any other manner at its pleasure. 



The foregoing arrangement shall be ratified by 
the Sovereigns of the two States which are the makers 



JO APPENDIX 

of this agreement, and the instruments of ratifica- 
tion shall be so exchanged that upon the receipt in 
Berlin of the instrument of ratification on the part 
of China, the instrument of ratification on the part 
of Germany shall be handed to the Chinese Minister 
in Berlin. 



The foregoing agreement is drawn up in four 
originals — two German and two Chinese: and on the 
sixth of March, one thousand eight hundred and 
ninety-eight, equivalent to the fourteenth day of 
the second moon in the twenty-fourth year of Kuang- 
hsu, it was signed by the representatives of the two 
States which are the makers of the agreement. 

The Imperial German Minister, 
(Signed) Baron von Heyking 

The Imperial Chinese Chief Secretary, 

Minister of the Tsungli-Yamen, etc., etc., 

(Signed) Li Hung-Chang 

The Imperial Chinese Chief Secretary, 

Member of the Council of State, 

Minister of the Tsungli-Yamen, 

etc., etc., 

(Signed) Weng T'ung-Ho 



Chapter V 
BLUNDERS 

"The Japanese nation is now in a state of isolation." — Yukio 
Ozaki, former Minister of Justice (Quoted in Millard's Review, 
March 29, 1919) 

Up to the end of the Russo-Japanese War I fail 
to find any act in Japan's foreign diplomacy which 
in the light of diplomatic customs current at the 
time can be severely criticised. Considering the 
example set in the Far East by Russia, Germany, 
France, and England, Japan had followed the only 
course of action which could save her from eternal 
impotence. A frank student can entertain only the 
highest admiration for her statesmen and warriors 
who led her from the hermit nation of 1863 to the 
world power of 1905. The next ten years are more 
difficult to interpret. But in 191 5 began that series 
of undoubted diplomatic blunders which have turned 
such a large part of the world against the Sunrise 
Kingdom. 

While the writer recognizes that other countries 
including his own have made egregious errors in in- 
ternational dealings, while no American or Briton 
can take a self-righteous attitude towards Japan, it 
will clarify our efforts to interpret Japan to the 
Western World and to herself if we frankly face the 

71 



72 BLUNDERS 

recent diplomatic errors which have lost her many 
of her former friends and increased the vehemence 
of her enemies. 

Following the victory over Russia in 1 904-5, Japan 
spent the next ten years consolidating her new posi- 
tion. Having fought two great wars to keep other 
nations from encroaching on Korea, Japan took 
measures to see that the problem should never arise 
again. Thirteen days after the declaration of war 
against Russia, Japan signed a protocol with the 
Emperor of Korea, guaranteeing the independence 
and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire, the 
safety and repose of the Imperial House, and agree- 
ing that Korea should accept Japan's advice regard- 
ing improvements in administration. Whether 
Japan's mistakes began here is a debatable question. 
Some writers see her iron hand in the convention of 
November, 1905, in which Korea was compelled to 
turn over to Japan the direction of her external 
affairs, and in the annexation of 1910. But consid- 
ering the character of Korea's ruling house, the an- 
nexation, it seems to me, was inevitable. From 
years before the China War Japanese statesmen had 
seen that Korea must at least be preserved as an 
independent buffer state. And when in 1907, not- 
withstanding the agreement to leave foreign affairs 
to Japan, the Emperor secretly sent his representa- 
tives to the Hague Conference, Japan's response was 
sterner control and annexation three years later. 
Critics of Japan should remember that the visitors 
to the Hague won no hearing and the annexation 



FIRST BLUNDER 73 

called forth no protest by any nation. Before cen- 
suring Japan for this act we must first rebuke other 
governments for their failure to recognise Korea's 
rights at the Hague and to register their disapproval 
of the annexation. 

The use of force, however, did later run its course. 
To quote a newspaper writer, "In the early years 
of the European war, before a determination to end 
war and establish a league of nations had become a 
moral purpose of the struggle, Japan like some other 
nations, regarded the conflict as an opportunity for 
extending her power and seizing territory and con- 
cessions that would become valuable to her. There 
was nothing to stay Japan: the Great Powers of 
Europe were all involved in war, and the United 
States was regarded as determined to follow a policy 
of non-interference in European or Asiatic affairs. 
To Count Okuma's government, then in power, the 
situation appeared *the opportunity of a thousand 
years'." 

Within a week after Great Britain's declaration 
of war an ultimatum was sent to Germany, and on 
November seventh General Kamio received the 
capitulation of the German garrison at Tsingtau. 
Since that day every effort has been made to 
strengthen her interests in the Shantung hinterland. 
Like a weather vane the Japanese Government, 
responsive to every international breeze, has been 
vacillating between promises to return to China the 
captured possession, and the gnawing desire to re- 
tain her hold on the mainland. Here was the first 



74 BLUNDERS 

mistake. (Statements to this effect by Japanese 
public men can be found in the Appendix to Chap- 
ter IX.) 

In January, 191 5, followed the "Twenty-one De- 
mands," the second and greatest blunder ever made 
by the Japanese Government. These demands, if 
all had been agreed upon and adhered to, would 
have practically excluded foreign capital other than 
Japanese from Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia, dis- 
tricts immensely wealthy in natural resources; guar- 
anteed to Japan all and more than Germany possessed 
in Shantung; given Japan other numerous and in- 
valuable mining rights; kept other Powers out of cer- 
tain specified parts of China, and given Japan the 
right to locate her police and allocate advisers in 
such a way as to endanger China's future independ- 
ent activities. For four months China fought off 
Japan, until no help arriving she succumbed to the 
ultimatum. On May 9th, after Japan had con- 
sented to leave the obnoxious "Fifth Group" as 
"Notes to be Exchanged," the agreement was signed. 
(The original demands in full, and the final agree- 
ment can be found in the Appendix to this chapter.) 

Two days later, however, the Government of the 
United States, with dignity but with evident pur- 
pose, stepped into the arena and sent the following 
identical note to the two governments. The note 
to Japan reads as follows: 

"In view of the circumstances of the negotiations 
which have taken place and which are now pending 
between the Government of Japan and the Govern- 



SECOND AND THIRD 75 

ment of China and of the agreements which have 
been reached as a result thereof, the Government of 
the United States has the honor to notify the Gov- 
ernment of the Japanese Empire that it cannot 
recognize any agreement or undertaking which has 
been entered into or which may be entered into be- 
tween the Governments of Japan and China im- 
pairing the treaty rights of the United States and 
its citizens in China, the political or territorial in- 
tegrity of the Republic of China, or the International 
policy relative to China commonly known as the 
Open Door policy." 

Blinded by ambition and not heeding America's 
warning, Japan encouraged her nationals to travel 
over China, and taking advantage of the confused 
condition incident to revolution and of the cupidity 
of venal Chinese government officials, to take mort- 
gages and buy rights until Japan in 191 8 alone is 
reported to have made twenty-nine loans amounting 
to Yen 246,000,000. (B. L. Putnam Weale: The 
Truth about China andjapan^ p. 178) Millard gives 
a list which makes the total from August, 19 14, to 
the end of 1918 Yen 391,430,000. (Thomas F. Mil- 
lard: Democracy and the Eastern Question, p. 192) 

In the summer of 191 8 came the third blunder, the 
Siberian expedition, described in a previous chapter. 
Losing a splendid opportunity of leadership and co- 
operation, the Government, seemingly expecting the 
war to continue one or two years more, adopted in 
Siberia a policy exactly like that toward China. 
Japan took advantage of the preoccupation of Europe 



76 BLUNDERS 

and the confusion in Russia to extend her interests 
on the northern mainland. The sending of ten times 
the troops originally announced, the occupation of the 
trade routes and the frantic efforts to get control of 
the Chinese-Eastern Railroad are all evidences of a 
policy of aggression by military force. With the 
signing of the armistice on November nth a real 
change came. The sudden defeat of Prussianism in 
Europe dealt a great blow to Militarism in Japan. 
This blow, had united counsel prevailed in the West, 
might have been final. But Rome was not built in 
a day. Neither can the 15,000 splendid army officers 
trained for decades in the French and German 
schools of military efficiency, the brightest and keen- 
est single group of men in Japan, be expected in the 
light of present world conditions, to change their 
thinking at once. The China Press of Shanghai 
summarizes the editor's impression of the recent 
course of diplomacy: 

"Since August, 1914, the issue has been gathering. 
From the serving of Japan's ultimatum on Germany 
its development has been in a thoroughly ruthlessly 
logical sequence of events. The taking of Tsingtau, 
the widening of that wedge until it included a large 
part of Shantung, the sinister Twenty-one Demands, 
the Japanese contribution to the undoing of Yuan 
Shih-K'ai, the steady encroachments in Manchuria, 
the secret Russo-Japanese treaty, the blocking of 
China's entrance into the war except under the aegis 
of Tokyo, the underwriting of the corrupt militaristic 
party in the North, the series of nefarious loans that 



FOURTH AND FIFTH 77 

turned over the resources of an Eldorado for a song, 
the setting up of the civil administration in Shantung, 
the Arms Alliance of 191 8 and all the other secret 
agreements, the Lansing-Ishii paramount interest 
agreement — until now we have the naked question, 
'Is China a Japanese colony?'" i^ apart Advertiser^ 
Feb. 13, 1919) 

The demand at Paris for the German rights in 
Shantung was the fourth blunder. At the Peace 
Conference Japan missed a golden opportunity to 
make what the French call "a moral gesture." Had 
the Japanese delegates been instructed to ask for 
nothing but an opportunity to serve; had they said, 
"From this War we have suffered little and gained 
much. We come here to offer our services in the re- 
construction of the Far East. Tell us what to do" — 
had Japan only taken this attitude sincerely, she 
would have risen to a place of peerless leadership in 
the Orient. Instead of this her delegates feverishly 
insisted that all the German concessions in Shantung 
should be turned over to her, and that she should 
deal directly with China regarding their disposal. 
This decision, which President Wilson stated before 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee was a 
disappointment to him and "the best that could be 
got in view of the engagements (secret agreements 
with Japan) of Great Britain and France" (daily 
papers, Aug. 20, 191 9), was forced upon the Paris Con- 
ference by that spirit of aggression of which we speak. 

Korea is the fifth blunder. The ten years' rule 
of a mild people by the sword — even teachers in the 



78 BLUNDERS 

schools until recently wearing the emblem of force — 
culminated in the independence demonstrations of 
March and April, 191 9, and the cruel repressive 
measures. 

All of the above is partly explained by the fact 
that there have been two political forces in Japan, 
one emanating from the Foreign Office and the 
other from the General Staff. One proposes to 
"develop the growing friendship between Japan 
and China" (opening sentence of the "Twenty-one 
Demands") while the other proceeds to force con- 
cessions backed up by a standing army of over 
200,000 highly efficient soldiers and a fleet of 650,000 
tons. One agrees to America's proposal to send 
7,000 troops to Vladivostok, while the other pours 
in 50,000 more through Korea and Manchuria. One 
wishes "to preserve the peace of the Orient," while 
the other insists on repeating in Shantung the 1897 
mistake of Germany which did more than any recent 
act to disturb the peace of the East. His Majesty 
the Emperor in the Rescript of August 20, 1919, 
aims "to promote the welfare of Korea, to extend 
to the native population impartial treatment that 
they may lead their lives in peace and contentment," 
while the gendarmes and soldiers, according to Rev- 
erend Ishizaka, a Japanese pastor who visited Korea, 
are guilty "of barbarous cruelties everywhere." 
One of the "Two Streams" functions in foreign cap- 
itals through its accredited ministers and ambassadors 
while the other carries on through its military at- 
taches, who are financed by the General Staff, and 



DUAL GOVERNMENT 79 

neither act under the orders of the local legation 
nor report to it. (For a further account of this 
"Dual Government" see Chapter VI, Appendix B.) 

These "Two Japans" may be a survival of those 
many centuries in which the Emperor, the legal and 
titular sovereign, remained in the seclusion of his 
Kyoto palace while the Shogun and the military 
nobility governed the country. In our condemna- 
tion of this military party which, slow to comprehend 
the world movement, has clearly for five years or 
more been misleading Japan, we must not be blind 
to their great achievements in the past. Bushido 
(the Way of the Knight) and patriotism led Japan 
in six decades from a hermit country of little-known 
rocky islands to a seat with the "Big Five" in the 
Parliament of the World. Nevertheless by working 
the Samurai spirit overtime, Japan has been swept 
into Militarism and now stands without an intimate 
friend in the world. 

Every virtue if overworked leads to a vice. Tem- 
perance may lead to effeminacy, frugality to stingi- 
ness, self-control to pride, strength to aggressiveness, 
virility to oppression, and even the beautiful passion 
of love if unrestrained leads to prostitution and loath- 
some disease. Bushido, one of the finest contributions 
of old Japan to the western world, must bear much of 
the odium of Japan's recent errors. Swept out into 
the world where religion, democracy, and open- 
hearted friendship, as well as brain power and mili- 
tary force, are factors in the international game, 
Japan's leaders by an undue and continued emphasis 



8o BLUNDERS 

on the modern equivalents of Bushido, science and 
gunpowder, have brought the country to a posi- 
tion where she will be obliged to draw back her 
forces, re-organize her plans and start on a new 
career of progress, substituting for guns the forces 
of the spirit and the heart. If Japan does not make 
this shift with some promptness she may some day 
be driven back to her islands of volcanoes and sand. 
If with her usual insight she will read the meaning 
of the gory trenches of Belgium and France, the 
conference tables of Paris and the restless dissatis- 
faction with military autocracy the world over, she 
will adopt the diplomacy of friendship, no longer 
find herself isolated, and soon discover in the plains, 
forests and mines of Asia and the markets of the 
world opportunities for a great expansion which 
defies the imagination. Such is my confidence in 
the character and ability of the Japanese. 

Appendix to Chapter V 
The Twenty-one Demands 

Part I 

JaparCs Demands on China 

The Original Twenty-one Demands, as presented 

January i8, 191 5 

I 

The Japanese government and the Chinese gov- 
ernment, being desirous of maintaining the general 
peace in Eastern Asia and further strengthening the 



TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 8i 

friendly relations and good neighborhood existing 
between the two nations, agree to the following 
articles: 

Article I. The Chinese government engages to 
give full assent to all matters upon which the Japa- 
nese government may hereafter agree with the Ger- 
man government relating to the disposition of all 
rights, interests, and concessions which Germany, 
by virtue of treaties or otherwise, possesses in re- 
lation to the province of Shantung. 

Article II . The Chinese government engages 
that within the province of Shantung, and along its 
coast, no territory or island will be ceded or leased 
to a third power under any pretext. 

Article III. The Chinese government consents 
to Japan's building a railway from Chefoo or Lung- 
kou to join the Kiaochow-Tsinanfu Railway. 

Article IV. The Chinese government engages, 
in the interest of trade and for the residence of for- 
eigners, to open by herself as soon as possible certain 
important cities and towns in the province of Shan- 
tung as commercial ports. What places shall be 
opened are to be jointly decided uf>on in a separate 
agreement. 

II 

The Japanese government and the Chinese gov- 
ernment, since the Chinese government has always 
acknowledged the special position enjoyed by Japan 
in south Manchuria and eastern inner Mongolia, 
agree to the following articles: 



82 APPENDIX 

Article I. The two contracting parties mutually 
agree that the term of lease of Port Arthur and 
Dalny and the term of lease of the South Man- 
churian Railway and the Antung-Mukden Rail- 
way shall be extended to the period of ninety-nine 
years. 

Article II. Japanese subjects in south Manchuria 
and eastern inner Mongolia shall have the right to 
lease or own land required either for erecting suit- 
able buildings for trade and manufacture or for 
farming. 

Article III. Japanese subjects shall be free to 
reside and travel in south Manchuria and eastern 
inner Mongolia and to engage in business and in 
manufacture of any kind whatsoever. 

Article IV. The Chinese government agrees to 
grant to Japanese subjects the right of opening the 
mines in south Manchuria and eastern Mongolia. 
As regards what mines are to be opened, they shall 
be decided upon jointly. 

Article V. The Chinese government agrees that 
in respect of the (two) cases mentioned herein below 
the Japanese government's consent shall be first 
obtained before action is taken: 

(a) Whenever permission is granted to the sub- 
ject of a third power for the purpose of building a 
railway in south Manchuria and eastern inner 
Mongolia. 

(b) Whenever a loan is to be made with a third 
power pledging the local taxes of south Manchuria 
and eastern inner Mongolia as security. 



TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 83 

Article VI. The Chinese government agrees that 
if the Chinese government employs political, finan- 
cial, or military advisers or instructors in south Man- 
churia or eastern Mongolia, the Japanese govern- 
ment shall first be consulted. 

Article VII. The Chinese government agrees 
that the control and management of the Kirin- 
Changchun Railway shall be handed over to the 
Japanese government for a term of ninety-nine 
years dating from the signing of this agreement. 

Ill 

The Japanese government and the Chinese gov- 
ernment, seeing that Japanese financiers and the 
Hanyehping Company have close relations with 
each other at present, and desiring that the common 
interests of the two nations shall be advanced, agree 
to the following articles: 

Article I. The two contracting parties mutually 
agree that when the opportune moment arrives the 
Hanyehping Company shall be made a joint con- 
cern of the two nations, and they further agree that, 
without the previous consent of Japan, China shall 
not by her own act dispose of the rights and property 
of whatsoever nature of the said company nor cause 
the said company to dispose freely of the same. 

Article II. The Chinese government agrees that 
all mines in the neighborhood of those owned by 
the Hanyehping Company shall not be permitted, 
without the consent of the said company, to be 
worked by other persons outside of the said company; 



84 APPENDIX 

and further agrees that if it is desired to carry out 
any undertaking, which, it is apprehended, may di- 
rectly or indirectly affect the interests of the said 
company, the consent of the said company shall 
first be obtained. 

IV 

The Japanese government and the Chinese gov- 
ernment, with the object of effectively preserving 
the territorial integrity of China, agree to the follow- 
ing special article: 

The Chinese government engages not to cede or 
lease to a third power any harbor or bay or island 
along the coast of China. 



Article I. The Chinese central government shall 
employ influential Japanese as advisers in political, 
financial, and military affairs. 

Article II. Japanese hospitals, churches, and 
schools in the interior of China shall be granted the 
right of owning land. 

Article III. Inasmuch as the Japanese govern- 
ment and the Chinese government have had many 
cases of dispute between Japanese and Chinese police 
which caused no little misunderstanding, it is for 
this reason necessary that the police departments of 
important places (in China) shall be jointly admin- 
istered by Japanese and Chinese, or that the police 
departments of these places shall employ numerous 
Japanese, so that they may at the same time help 



TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 85 

to plan for the improvement of the Chinese police 
service. 

Article IV. China shall purchase from Japan 
a fixed amount of munitions of war (say 50 per cent, 
or more of what is needed by the Chinese Govern- 
ment), or that there shall be established in China a 
Sino-Japanese jointly worked arsenal. Japanese 
technical experts are to be employed and Japanese 
material to be purchased. 

Article V. China agrees to grant to Japan the 
right of constructing a railway connecting Wuchang 
with Kiukiang and Nanchang, another line between 
Nanchang and Hangchow, and another between 
Nanchang and Chaochou. 

Article VI. If China needs foreign capital to 
work mines, build railways, and construct harbor- 
works (including dockyards) in the province of 
Fukien, Japan shall be first consulted. 

Article VII. China agrees that Japanese subjects 
shall have the right of missionary propaganda in 
China. 

Part II 

The Demands in Revised Form as Presented April 26, 

Group I 

The Japanese government and the Chinese gov- 
ernment, being desirous of maintaining the general 
peace in eastern Asia and further strengthening the 
friendly relations and good neighborhood existing 



86 APPENDIX 

between the two nations, agree to the following 
articles: 

Article I. The Chinese government engages to 
give full assent to all matters upon which the Japa- 
nese government may hereafter agree with the Ger- 
man government, relating to the disposition of all 
rights, interests, and concessions which Germany, 
by virtue of treaties or otherwise, possesses in re- 
lation to the province of Shantung. 

Article II. (Changed into an exchange of notes.) 
The Chinese government declares that within the 
province of Shantung and along its coast no territory 
or island will be ceded or leased to any power under 
any pretext. 

Article III. The Chinese government consents 
that as regards the railway to be built by China 
herself from Chefoo or Lungkou, to connect with 
the Kiaochau-Tsinanfu Railway, if Germany is will- 
ing to abandon the privilege of financing the Chefoo- 
Weihsien line, China will approach Japanese capital- 
ists to negotiate for a loan. 

Article IV. The Chinese government engages in 
the interest of trade and for the residence of foreigners 
to open by China herself as soon as possible certain 
suitable places in the province of Shantung as com- 
mercial ports. 

(Supplementary exchange of notes.) 

The places which ought to be opened are to be 
chosen, and the regulations are to be drafted, by the 
Chinese government, but the Japanese Minister 
must be consulted before making a decision. 



TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 87 

Group II 

The Japanese government and the Chinese gov- 
ernment, with a view to developing their economic 
relations in south Manchuria and eastern inner 
Mongolia, agree to the following articles: 

Article I. The two contracting powers mutually 
agree that the term of lease of Port Arthur and 
Dalny and the term of the South Manchurian Rail- 
way and the Antung-Mukden Railway shall be ex- 
tended to ninety-nine years. 

(Supplementary exchange of notes.) 

The term of lease of Port Arthur and Dalny shall 
expire in the eighty-sixth year of the Republic, or 
1997. The date for restoring the South Manchurian 
Railway to China shall fall due in the ninety-first 
year of the Republic, or 2002. 

Article XII in the original South Manchurian 
Railway Agreement, that it may be redeemed by 
China thirty-six years after the traffic is opened, is 
hereby canceled. The term of the Antung-Mukden 
Railway shall expire in the ninety-sixth year of the 
Republic, or 2007. 

Article II. Japanese subjects in south Manchuria 
may lease or purchase the necessary land for erecting 
suitable buildings for trade and manufacture or for 
prosecuting agricultural enterprises. 

Article III. Japanese subjects shall be free to 
reside and travel in south Manchuria and to en- 
gage in business and manufacture of any kind 
whatsoever. 



88 APPENDIX 

Article Ilia. The Japanese subjects referred to 
in the preceding two articles, besides being required 
to register with the local authorities passports, which 
they must procure under the existing regulations, 
shall also submit to police laws and ordinances and 
tax regulations which are approved by the Japanese 
consul. Civil and Criminal cases in which the de- 
fendants are Japanese shall be tried and adjudicated 
by the Japanese consul; those in which the defend- 
ants are Chinese shall be tried and adjudicated by 
Chinese authorities. In either case an officer can 
be deputed to the court to attend the proceedings. 
But mixed civil cases between Chinese and Japanese 
relating to land shall be tried and adjudicated by 
delegates of both nations conjointly, in accordance 
with Chinese law and local usage. When the judicial 
system in the said region is completely reformed, all 
civil and criminal cases concerning Japanese subjects 
shall be tried entirely by Chinese law-courts. 

Article IV. (Changed to an exchange of notes.) 
The Chinese government agrees that Japanese sub- 
jects shall be permitted forthwith to investigate, 
select, and then prospect for and open mines at the 
following places in south Manchuria, apart from 
those mining areas in which mines are being pros- 
pected for or worked; until the mining ordinance is 
definitely settled, methods at present in force shall 
be followed: 



TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 89 

Province of Feng-tien 

Locality District Mineral 

Niu Hsin T'ai Pen-hsi Coal 

Tien Shih Fu Kou Pen-hsi " 

Sha Sung Kang Hai-lung " 

T'ieh Ch'ang T'ung-hua " 

Nuan Ti T'ang Chin " 

An Shan Chan region . . From Liao-yang to Pen-hsi . . Iron 

Province of Kirin (Southern Portion) 

Locality District Mineral 

Sha Sung Kang Ho-lung Coal and Iron 

Kang Yao Chi-lin (Kirin) Coal 

Chia Pi'i Kou Hua-tien Gold 

Article V. (Changed to an exchange of notes.) 
The Chinese government declares that China will 
hereafter provide funds for building railways in 
south Manchuria; if foreign capital is required the 
Chinese government agrees to negotiate for a loan 
with Japanese capitalists first. 
Article Va. (Changed to an exchange of notes.) 
The Chinese government agrees that hereafter, 
when a foreign loan is to be made on the security 
of the taxes of south Manchuria (not including cus- 
toms and salt revenue on the security of which loans 
have already been made by the Central government), 
it will negotiate for the loan with Japanese capitalists 
first. 

Article VI. (Changed to an exchange of notes.) 
The Chinese government declares that hereafter 



90 APPENDIX 

if foreign advisers or instructors on political, finan- 
cial, military, or police matters are to be employed 
in south Manchuria, Japanese will be employed first. 
Article VII. The Chinese government agrees 
speedily to make a fundamental revision of the Kirin- 
Changchun Railway Loan Agreement, taking as a 
standard the provisions in railway loan agreements 
made heretofore between China and foreign finan- 
ciers. If, in future, more advantageous terms than 
those in existing railway loan agreements are granted 
to foreign financiers, in connection with railway 
loans, the above agreement shall again be revised 
in accordance with Japan's wishes. 

Chinese Counter-proposal to Article VII 

All existing treaties between China and Japan 
relating to Manchuria shall, except where otherwise 
provided for by this convention, remain in force. 

Matters Relating to Eastern Inner Mongolia 

1. The Chinese government agrees that hereafter 
when a foreign loan is to be made on the security of 
the taxes of eastern inner Mongolia, China must 
negotiate with the Japanese government first. 

2. The Chinese government agrees that China will 
herself provide funds for building the railways in 
eastern inner Mongolia; if foreign capital is required, 
she must negotiate with the Japanese government 
first. 

3. The Chinese government agrees, in the interest 



TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 91 

of trade and for the residence of foreigners, to open 
by China herself, as soon as possible, certain places 
suitable in eastern inner Mongolia as commercial 
ports. The places which ought to be opened are to 
be chosen, and the regulations are to be drafted, by 
the Chinese government, but the Japanese Minister 
must be consulted before making a decision. 

4. In the event of Japanese and Chinese desiring 
jointly to undertake agricultural enterprises and in- 
dustries incidental thereto, the Chinese government 
shall give its permission. 

Group III 

The relations between Japan and the Hanyehping 
Company being very intimate, if the interested party 
of the said company comes to an agreement with the 
Japanese capitalists for cooperation, the Chinese 
government shall forthwith give its consent thereto. 
The Chinese government further agrees that, with- 
out the consent of the Japanese capitalists, China 
will not convert the company into a state enterprise, 
nor confiscate it, nor cause it to borrow and use 
foreign capital other than Japanese. 

Article IV 

China to give a pronouncement by herself in ac- 
cordance with the following principle: 

No bay, harbor, or island along the coast of China 
may be ceded or leased to any power. 



92 APPENDIX 

Notes to be Exchanged 
A 

As regards the right of financing a railway from 
Wuchang to connect with the Kiukiang-Nanchang 
line, the Nanchang-Hangchow Railway, and the 
Nanchang-Chaochow Railway, if it is clearly ascer- 
tained that other powers have no objection, China 
shall grant the said right to Japan. 

B 

As regards the right of financing a railway from 
Wuchang to connect with the Kiukiang-Nanchang 
Railway, a railway from Nanchang to Hangchow, 
and another from Nanchang to Chaochow, the Chin- 
ese government shall not grant the said right to any 
foreign power before Japan comes to an understand- 
ing with the other power which is heretofore inter- 
ested therein. 

The Chinese government agrees that no nation 
whatever is to be permitted to construct, on the 
coast of Fukien Province, a dockyard, a coaling- 
station for military use, or a naval base; nor to be 
authorized to set up any other military establishment. 
The Chinese government further agrees not to use 
foreign capital for setting up the above-mentioned 
construction or establishment. 

Mr. Lu, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, stated as 
follows: 

I. The Chinese government shall, whenever in 



TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 93 

future it considers this step necessary, engage 
numerous Japanese advisers. 

2. Whenever in future Japanese subjects desire to 
lease or purchase land in the interior of China for 
establishing schools or hospitals the Chinese govern- 
ment shall forthwith give its consent thereto. 

3. When a suitable opportunity arises in future 
the Chinese government will send military officers 
to Japan to negotiate with Japanese military au- 
thorities the matter of purchasing arms or that of 
establishing a joint arsenal. 

Mr. Hioki, the Japanese Minister, stated as fol- 
lows: 

As relates to the question of the right of mission- 
ary propaganda, the same shall be taken up again 
for negotiation in future. 



Chapter VI 
SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

"The War has brought about the dawn of a new era in the 
world." — Premier Hara 

"Mankind is looking now for freedom of life." — President 
Wilson 

For sixty-five years Japan has been playing the 
game of diplomacy as taught by western nations. 
She has been an apt pupil and has often excelled her 
teachers. Now a growing group of statesmen is 
eagerly watching to see if the West is really sincere 
in its desire to establish democracy, reduce arma- 
ments, scrap force as the only international arbiter, 
and adopt the better rule of justice, humanity and 
friendship. There are abundant signs that when 
persuaded that it is real, Japan is ready to join the 
new world movement. 

A. Growth of Democracy 
I. The Hara Cabinet 
In August, 191 8, one hundred and eighty news- 
paper men met at a hotel in Osaka under the leader- 
ship of Mr. Ryuhei Murayama the veteran editor 
of the Asahi and pledged themselves to work for 
the overthrow of the Terauchi Cabinet. Their chief 
grudge against General Terauchi was for his unblush- 

94 



GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 95 

ing bureaucracy. Those in power were ruling the 
Empire without regard to the will of the people. 
The fight was against neither veniality nor misgov- 
ernment. It was against a theory of government; 
it was for democracy. Other meetings of representa- 
tives of the press were held in Tokyo and lesser cities 
and the attack began. For two months it kept up 
morning and evening all over the Empire until on 
September 21st, wearied with the showers of abuse, 
the Terauchi Cabinet succumbed. Never again, say 
my Japanese friends, shall we have a cabinet which 
disclaims responsibility to the people. Nor will cabi- 
net ministers cloak their misdeeds with the excuse 
that they are acting in the name of His Majesty the 
Emperor and hence are beyond the pale of criticism. 

Mr. Hara has for several years been the leader of 
the Seiyukai (Friends of Constitutional Government 
party) and he and his associates consider themselves 
the representatives of this party which has now 
the majority in the Diet and which is responsible to 
the people. 

One of the first acts of the new government was 
the change of policy in Siberia. The old cabinet 
was responsible for the presence of 70,000 soldiers 
in North Manchuria and Siberia, divided into three 
separate armies. Within two months after Mr. 
Hara came into office, the three armies were united 
into one, more than half the troops were withdrawn, 
special instructions were issued counseling soldiers 
to treat foreigners and Russians with courtesy, and 
General Takeyanagi made a special visit to all the 



96 SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

Siberian headquarters to see that the new orders were 
effective. This General when in Vladivostok is re- 
ported to have said that the old conflict between 
the General Staff and the Foreign Office had ended 
forever. Had the League of Nations been promptly 
established the reaction which has been mentioned 
in Chapter III would not have taken place. 

2. Extension of the Franchise 

The Constitution promised in 1868 and promul- 
gated in 1889 created a representative Diet which 
was convened the following year. In 1900 the mem- 
bers were increased from 300 to 381, and the number 
of possible voters was trebled (from 500,000 to 
1,460,000). Again in March, 191 9, the tax quali- 
fication was reduced from Yen 10 to Yen 3. Any 
man over twenty-five years of age with an annual 
income of Yen 500 or who pays a property tax of 
three yen may vote. Thus in twenty years the 
franchise holders have increased from 500,000 to 
nearly 3,000,000. 

But the country is not satisfied. Letters from 
friends in Japan written early in 1920 describe the 
popular demands: 

"Our Socialists and Laborers generally desire uni- 
versal male suffrage. They are clamoring wildly 
for the movement." 

"Circumstances in this country are greatly altered, 
many problems are keenly discussed. Among them 
Universal Male Suffrage and organization of Labor 
Unions are in the lead." 



THE FRANCHISE 97 

" ... In the meantime Ozaki shouts for universal 
suffrage and the Young Men's Reconstruction Society 
of Tokyo conducts a big parade, while the mob that 
tries to get into the YMCA auditorium to hear the 
speeches nearly wrecks the building. These are stir- 
ring times with prospects of more stirring ones ahead." 

The Labor Party, the Reconstruction Union, and 
many of the leading newspapers were backing the 
cause. One of the conservative journals in its ten 
thousandth issue urged "universal suffrage as a 
preparation for a general mobilization of the nation 
on the one hand and a safety-valve for dangerous 
thought on the other, and also for a political edu- 
cation and training of the nation, for one can learn 
how to swim only in water." 

Even Prince Yamagata, " the bulwark of Japanese 
conservatism," according to the Hochi, approves of 
universal suffrage as the ideal of representative gov- 
ernment, but he wants it to be brought about in the 
due course of things. {Literary Digesty Feb. 28, 
1920) 

3. Freedom of Speech and of the Press 

After the entry of the Hara Cabinet the bars of 
free speech were suddenly let down. The country 
was flooded with public discussions of democracy, 
the rights of labor, social and political reform and 
internationalism. Speakers mounting the platform 
in workingmen's clothes denounced social and in- 
dustrial conditions and called for new legislation. 
Such unrestricted talk was a new thing in Japan. 



98 SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

In the Imperial University a group of students is 
publishing a journal called Democracy. Some of 
the Tokyo professors are the most active members 
of a society called "The Dawn" which in magazines 
and by public lectures is openly carrying on pro- 
paganda for democratic ideas. Monthlies with titles 
like "Reconstruction" or "The New Society" are 
born almost every month. "Kaizo" (reconstruc- 
tion) is the popular word. At the Imperial Univer- 
sity YMCA club house, there is held a "Univer- 
sity Evening" or forum attended by 200 students 
and professors. Fifty frequently remain to discuss 
with the speaker modern democratic ideas. 

4. Simplifying Imperial Travel 

The writer remembers when His Majesty, the 
Emperor, visited Osaka seventeen years ago some 
near-sighted old people, who were patiently sitting 
by the roadside hoping to glimpse their beloved 
Ruler, were ordered by an officious policeman to 
show their respect by removing their spectacles. 
Not infrequently pedestrians even in rainy weather 
are required to lower umbrellas while members of 
the Imperial Family pass. Streets were strewn with 
fresh sand and all traffic stopped when the Imperial 
Party drove through. Along the railroad pupils of 
near-by schools were marched out and lined along 
the fence. Notice what a change! 

"The Department of the Imperial Household has 
issued instructions to the Railway Bureau and other 
Government offices relating to journeys by members 



IMPERIAL TRAVEL 99 

of the Imperial Family, the principal points of which 
are as follows: (i) All shall be as usual with officials 
and ordinary passengers at railway stations unless 
special instructions are given; (2) when there is no 
special waiting room, members of the Imperial 
Family may rest in the room of the station master 
or ordinary waiting rooms from which ordinary pas- 
sengers need not be ejected; (3) the practice of mak- 
ing ordinary passengers wait until members of the 
Imperial Family get off shall be abolished; ordinary 
people can alight at the same time as Imperial pas- 
sengers; (4) no special efforts need be made to have 
as large a number of people to send off or welcome 
Imperial passengers; (5) school masters shall not 
sacrifice lessons to take out children to send off or 
welcome members of the Imperial Family; (6) guards 
en route shall be as few as possible and as unobtru- 
sive as possible; (7) traffic shall never be suspended; 
(8) the custom of Governors and Deputy-Governors 
waiting upon members of the Imperial Family while 
travelling through the places under the jurisdiction 
of those officials may be dispensed with; and (9) no 
special arrangements with regard to the equipment 
of hotels and places to be visited need be made unless 
special instructions are given. (Translated from the 
Jiji in the Japan Advertiser, Aug. 19, 191 9) 

5. The Reconstruction Alliance 

Growing out of the propaganda started by Doctors 
Yoshino and Fukuda there was organized in Septem- 
ber, 1919, a new liberal movement. Its promoters 



loo SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

are Diet members of various parties, labor leaders, 
free lances and newspaper writers back from Paris. 
Early in 1920 the Alliance "was conducting a stren- 
uous campaign to rouse public sympathy for the 
cause of universal suffrage." The items in its plat- 
form are all forward-looking: 

1. Realization of universal male suffrage 

2. Abolition of class distinctions 

3. Abolition of bureaucratic diplomacy 

4. Establishment of democratic political system 

5. Public recognition of labor organizations 

6. Guarantee of the living of the people 

7. Reform of tax system along with social policy 

8. Abandonment of formal education 

9. Reform of colonial administrative system 

10. Purification of the Imperial Household Depart- 

ment 

1 1 . Reconstruction of political parties 

1 2. Freedom of speech and press 

{Japan Advertiser^ Sept. 18, 191 9) 

B. Growing Power of Civilians as Opposed to 

Militarists 

1. For the first time a civilian. Baron Gonsuke 
Hayashi, formerly Minister to Peking, has been 
appointed Governor General of the leased territory 
about Port Arthur and Dairen in Manchuria. Baron 
Hayashi was later transferred to the embassy in 
London, but a civilian took his place. 

2. A civilian is Governor of Formosa. 



GROWING POWER OF CIVILIANS loi 

3. The law has been amended so that a civilian 
may become Resident-General of Korea. Although 
Baron Saito is a retired naval officer, in disposition 
and intention he marks the transition period from 
the old military governors to the new civil era. 

4. Significant is this paragraph from the address 
of Premier Hara at a reception to Baron Makino on 
his return from the Paris Conference: 

"In future, international affairs are to be managed 
through the cooperation of the Powers. The result 
is that militarism has been absolutely discarded and 
the Powers are to work conjointly for the sake of 
world peace. In every country there are men who 
find it hard to abandon old ideas. They remain 
blind to the general current of the world, and strive 
for the acquisition of rights and interests. It should 
be remembered, however, that such old-school pol- 
itics are no longer admissable in the present-day 
diplomacy. Sincerity and straightforwardness will 
in future be the guiding principle on which the con- 
duct of diplomacy should be based. This will be 
a new phenomenon to a certain class of publicists, 
to whom the maintenance of international coopera- 
tion seems tantamount to national humiliation." 
{Japan Advertiser, Sept. 26, 191 9) 

5. Among the changes announced for Korea are: 
(i) The abolition of the custom of wearing swords 
by civil officials. (2) The end of the gendarme sys- 
tem. Henceforth, the police will be under the con- 
trol, not of an army general, but of the provincial 



I02 SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

civil governors. (3) From April i, 1920, the old 
custom of flogging as a punishment for criminals was 
abolished. 

6. The lure of the uniform no longer attracts the 
daughters of Japan. In their replies to a recent ques- 
tionnaire sent to girls' colleges as to preference for 
husbands, seventy per cent, would marry youths in 
business, fifteen per cent, technical experts, fifteen 
per cent, other classes, almost no one desiring army 
or navy officers. {Japan Review , Oct., 1920) 

7. Professor Yoshino's Address 

The fact that an address like that of Professor 
Yoshino from which quotations are made below 
could have been delivered without police interference 
shows a great change. 

"So jealous are the militarists of Japan lest any 
knowledge of their actions should become known, 
even to the representatives of the Government, that 
when in consultation with the Emperor, members 
of the War Department forbid the presence of the 
Civilian Court Chamberlain. 

"The result is that the Cabinet and people of 
Japan are held responsible for things done in China, 
Korea, and other places of which the Government 
and the people have not the slightest knowledge. 
Because of this dual Government, Japan has been 
greatly misunderstood by America and other foreign 
nations, as the military, being the most powerful, 
is the Japan most known to the outside world. 



PROF. YOSHINO'S ADDRESS 103 

"No other nation exists where the Premier has no 
control over the military, and where although the 
War and Navy Departments are ostensibly under 
the control of the Premier, they always act inde- 
pendently. In former times the one opportunity for 
the Premier to learn of the proceedings of the mili- 
tary was the little he might glean from the Court 
Chamberlain. About ten years ago they closed this 
opening by substituting a military aide-de-camp for 
the Court Chamberlain when a military audience 
was held. In this way the Premier and the people 
are kept in absolute ignorance of many important 
happenings. China has frequently made representa- 
tions to the Foreign Office concerning affairs in China 
and found that the Foreign Office was in total ig- 
norance of the whole matter." {Japan Advertiser, 
Aug. 9, 1919) 

A few months before this address was made Pro- 
fessor Yoshino explained to me how since 1909 the 
Military and Naval members of the Cabinet were 
appointed directly by the Emperor and responsible 
to him and not to the Premier. That this system 
can with impunity be attacked in public points to 
a near change. 

"All young men in the Foreign Office are opposed 
to it," said Dr. Yoshino, "and even army officers 
are joining us. I was recently asked to address a 
hundred army colonels, when higher officers stepped 
in and cancelled the meeting." 

(For a more complete statement regarding this 
"Dual Government" see Appendix to this chapter.) 



104 SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

8. Newspapers are allowed to write in a similar vein: 

"Under the present regulations the military and 
naval general staffs are responsible directly to the 
Emperor, and are independent of the Cabinet. Even 
the Prime Minister, who is to supervise the whole 
affairs of the state, simply receives reports from the 
Minister of War and the Minister of the Navy re- 
garding military strategy and commands and has no 
right of veto over them. Is such a system in keeping 
with the new exigencies of the situation.^ Under such 
conditions how can constitutional government be 
administered to the full? Great Britain, the United 
States, and France, which believe in democracy, — in 
other words, which place military affairs within 
the jurisdiction of political administrations, — have 
crushed Germany and Austria which subscribe to 
that militaristic system of making the military au- 
thorities responsible directly to the Emperor. The 
tide of democracy is now flooding the whole world. 
If Japan continues to adhere to a mimicry of the 
German system, not only will she run counter to the 
trend of the world's progress, but she will invite the 
suspicions of the Powers. Such an irrational system 
should be speedily abolished." The Hochi (Quoted 
in Japan Advertiser^ June 12, 191 9) 

Even the extraordinary turn of Siberian events in 
April, after the American withdrawal, was severely 
criticized by vernacular papers: 

"The war office, in maintaining its own foreign 
policy, is bringing evil consequences upon the Em- 
pire." Tokyo Asahi 



THE RICE RIOTS 105 

"That militarism which is usurping diplomatic 
and political functions is the same as that which 
Japan fought as humanity's common foe." Osaka 
Osahi. (Quoted in Philadelphia Public Ledger^ 
April 18, 1920) 

C. The Rice Riots 

The rice riots, or nation-wide socialistic uprising 
of August I2th and 13th, 1918, were pregnant with 
meaning. The rioting centered in Osaka and Kobe. 
In Osaka Prefecture alone 230,000 people, or a tenth 
of the population, took part in the violent protest 
against the high prices. All over Japan rice stores 
were raided and the owners compelled to sell at the 
old rates or about one-half the current prices. Rice 
speculators had their residences broken into or 
burned; and in Kobe the head office, the camphor 
factory and other property of Suzuki & Company, 
one of the biggest firms in Japan and recent cornerers 
of the rice market, were burned to the ground. The 
property loss in Kobe reached well over the $500,000 
mark. The military aided the police, and for a few 
days some of the big cities were under martial law. 
As a result of the demonstrations the poor began to 
receive special attention. All over the country new 
social welfare undertakings, like model tenements, 
lodging houses, and public markets started up; and 
the Government even proposed working-men's pen- 
sions. The rich poured out gifts for immediately 
providing cheap rice. The Emperor headed the list 
with a gift of $1,500,000, and wealthy families gave 



io6 SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

$100,000 each, the gifts in Osaka reaching nearly 
$1,000,000. This country-wide outburst two years 
ago against the economic slavery of the lower classes 
has accelerated all movements for social betterment. 

D. The Labor Movement 

" Nations are meant, if they are meant for anything, to make 
the men and women and children in them secure and happy and 
prosperous." President Wilson 

I . Labor Unions. 

While still in their infancy the labor unions in 
Japan give signs of great future power. I will men- 
tion four: 

a. The Friendly Society (Yuaikai), was organized in 
1912. Starting with thirty workers under the leader- 
ship of Bunji Suzuki, a Christian bachelor of laws of 
the Tokyo Imperial University, it boasted by Jan- 
uary, 1920, a membership of 40,000. Its monthly 
organ "Labor and Industry" {Rodo oyobi Sangyo) 
enjoys a large circulation. It is not a political body 
and stands for no "ism." A branch may be estab- 
lished wherever there are thirty or more workers 
who join. On its members a monthly fee of fifteen 
sen is levied of which five sen is kept by the local 
organization and ten sen is forwarded to head- 
quarters. In this way the headquarters is assured 
of a monthly income of over Yen 2,500 which pays 
for the magazine and general expenses. 

At the annual meeting of August, 191 9, the com- 
monplace platform of the society was radically 
amended: 



THE LABOR MOVEMENT 107 

(i) The name was changed from plain "Friendly- 
Society" (Yuaikai) to the more ambitious "The 
Friendly Society, a General Federation of Labor 
in Great Japan" (Dai Nihon Rodo Sodomei 
Yuaikai). 

(2) Like the British Labor Party it decided to 
include brain workers among its members. 

(3) The women's section was made a separate 
entity. 

(4) A miners' section was established. 

(5) The seamen's section was placed on a separate 
footing. 

They intend in the near future to muster 100,000 
members and to present to the coming Diet a monster 
petition for universal male suffrage. {Japan Weekly 
Chronicle J Jan. 8, 1920) 

The program of this remarkable organization is 
given in full in the Appendix to this chapter. 

b. The Kansai Federation of Labor was organized 
in Kobe by Toyohiko Kagawa. Closely affiliated 
with Mr. Suzuki's larger society and already number- 
ing 5,500 members, this promises to become one of 
the most genuine labor unions in Japan. 

c. The Japan Associated Labor Union (Nihon 
Rodo Rengokai) was organized in the Toyko Mu- 
nicipal Electric Office by a workman named Kyota 
Arai. It numbers 2,000 members and is supported 
by the Home Minister. 

d. The Japan Labor Union (Nihon Rodo Kumiai) 
has united about 1,000 workmen in thirty-five Tokyo 
electric and machinery factories. This society does 



io8 SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

not ask workingmen to join except with the approval 
of their employers. 

The above are but samples of the labor organiza- 
tions springing into life. 

2. Factory Laws 

The factory law in force from September i, 191 6, 
has been cynically criticized as "solely for the benefit 
of the Westerner. Being tired of telling curious visit- 
ing foreigners that Japan had no labor laws, they 
put some on the statute-book and suspended their 
execution for the most part. The former fact is ad- 
vertised, and the latter concealed unless the visitor 
is unusually inquisitive." (Quoted by John Dewey 
from a Japanese in The Dial, Oct. 18, 1919.) 

But the law marked progress. While it applied 
only to modern power factories employing fifteen or 
more operatives and only to those engaged in risky 
or unhygienic labor, it did work some benefits. A 
Tokyo factory inspector claimed that by 191 8 the 
number of children under fourteen years of age had 
been reduced in the Tokyo factories subject to the 
law from 2,000 to 1,057. 

By the Law the normal working hours are fixed at 
twelve, with an hour off for rest. But for two years 
in weaving mills the limit might be extended to 
fourteen hours, and in the silk mills a similar exten- 
sion was granted for fifteen years. But as c^';^% of 
the 900,000 silk weavers work in groups too small 
to be supervised, human endurance is their only 
limit. There is a restriction regarding night work 



FACTORY LAWS 109 

(10 p. m. to 4 a. m.) for women and children, but in 
the cotton mills this will not be enforced until 
September, IQJJ. Two holidays a month are to be 
enforced. Certain provisions regarding maternity 
and accident compensation were inserted. He who 
breaks the law must pay a fine not to exceed Yen 200. 
Not much advance to be sure, but the law made a 
start. During the summer of 191 9, however, in some 
of the big industries the workmen took matters into 
their own hands and actually secured an eight hour 
day with an increased overtime wage. 

The International Labor Conference called by the 
League of Nations in October, 1919, at Washington, 
was taken most seriously by Japan. Eighty-seven 
delegates, assistants and newspaper men attended. 
Notwithstanding the backward conditions mentioned 
above, these men, many of them already instructed 
by the government, agreed to recommend the follow- 
ing legislation to take effect not later than July i, 
1922: 

1. The law shall be applied to all factories em- 
ploying ten or more workers. 

2. Night work (10 p. m.-5 a. m.) shall be for- 
bidden for women and all children under fourteen. 

3. The working week shall be limited to 48 hours 
for underground miners and children under fifteen; 
57 hours for cotton and similar mills and 60 hours 
for the silk factories. Not more than 100 or 150 
hours overtime a year shall be allowed. 

4. There shall be established a weekly rest day of 
24 consecutive hours. 



no SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

Thus has the clock of labor progress been set for- 
ward from 1933 to 1922. 

3. Strikes 

From the beginning of the War in 1914 to its close 
in 191 8, there were, according to official reports, 
over 1,000 strikes in Japan. The number grew from 
50 in 1914 to 64 in 1915, 108 in 1916, 398 in 1917, 
and the year following the number rose to 417. 
During these five years the strikes increased over 
800 per cent. The results show that 260 cases were 
withdrawn, 447 were compromised; in 149 cases 
labor lost and in 195 the demands of labor were ob- 
tained. The largest number of strikes were for 
higher wages, the second group stood out for better 
working conditions in the shop and the third asked 
for fairer treatment by foremen. 

At the Kawasaki Ship Building Yards in Kobe an 
unusual strike occurred in September, 1919, when 
by what the workmen call sabotage or the "go slow" 
method, the slacking employees in ten days forced 
the company to divide among them Yen 3,750,000 
of its big surplus fund. This set the pace for many 
other strikes and a new kind of "go slow" pressure 
has become prevalent in Japan. 

4. A Labor Song 

When Mr. Suzuki, head of "The Friendly Society," 
visited Kobe a significant song was printed on slips 
of paper and sung by a procession of welcoming 
laborers. The translation follows: 



STRIKES AND LABOR m 

Workers of Nippon, awake, awake! 

Old things are done with and past away. 
Worlds that are new are for you to make. 

Strive then and fail not in this your day. 

Farmers and weavers and shipwrights all. 
Miners who labor beneath the soil. 

You who drop sweat to get bread, we call. 
Honors are now for the sons of toil. 

Early to work though cold winds bite. 
Tired ere homeward their way they take. 

Daylight gone and the stars alight, — 
So they toil for the whole world's sake. 

Workers of Nippon, awake, awake! 

Old things are done with and past away. 
Worlds that are new are for you to make. 
Strive then and fail not in this your day. 
Hooray for the Yuai-kai — Hooray! 

(Japan Chronicle, Aug. 14, 1919) 

5. Labor and Capital Harmonization Society (Roshi 
Kyochokai) 
In the summer of 191 9 there was organized in 
Tokyo a remarkable society. Under the leadership 
of the Premier, the Home Minister and Baron Shibu- 
sawa, and in the presence of 200 prominent citizens, 
the Labor and Capital Harmonization Society came 
to birth. The promoters profess to be making a 
genuine effort to promote the mutual welfare of both 
labor and capital, and by forestalling 'ruinous con- 
flicts to prevent economic loss. Starting with an 



112 SIGNS OF THE NEW JAPAN 

Imperial grant and a government subsidy, a fund 
of YiOjOOOjOoo is being raised. The society proposes 
not to oppose trade unions, to suggest labor legis- 
lation, give advice to both employers and employed, 
publish a monthly bulletin, erect houses for laborers, 
install employment agencies, arbitrate labor disputes, 
provide entertainment for laborers and care for 
children of the working classes. 
6. The New Labor Party 

On December 24, 191 9, there was formed in Tokyo 
the Japan Labor Party. Representatives of sixteen 
labor organizations and scores of students from sev- 
eral Tokyo schools were present. The planks in the 
party's platform include universal male suffrage, 
and the repudiation of capitalistic political parties. 
The new organization proposed to erect a labor hall 
in Tokyo and to publish a magazine. {Japan Weekly 
Chronicle y Jan. i, 1920) 

The democratic movement a few months ago was 
surely rushing forward in Japan. The greatest ob- 
stacle to its growth is, however, the seeming failure 
in western lands. Japanese know all too well our 
American municipal corruption and industrial ex- 
ploitation. They have been amazed at the inaction 
of Congress. The failure of our boasted Democracy 
promptly to pass legislation on international matters 
and our consequent two years' delay in making peace 
and joining the League of Nations are seriously hin- 
dering the progressive movements mentioned above. 
From the conservatism and confusion of America 
and Europe and from the extremes of Russia, the 



APPENDIX 113 

reactionaries bolster their opposition to anything 
new. When will the West bear better testimony? 

Appendix to Chapter VI 
A. Platforms of the Friendly Society (Yuaikai) 

Old Platform: 

(i) We aim at enlarging our views, developing 
our moral character and improving our 
technical skill agreeably to public ideals. 

(2) We aim at improving our position by com- 

mon efforts and by moderate means. 

(3) We aim at attaining our object of helping 

each other by mutual friendship and co- 
operation. 

New Platform adopted August, 1919: 

(i) Establishment of the principle that labor is 
not merchandise 

(2) Free and unmolested organization of labor 

unions 

(3) Abolition of infant labor (under 14) 

(4) Establishment of a minimum wage system 

(5) Equal wages for males and females alike for 

work of the same quality 

(6) One day's rest in a week 

(7) An eight-hour day (48-hour week) 

(8) Abolition of work at night 

(9) Appointment of special inspectors over fe- 

male labor 
(10) Enactment of a labor insurance law 



114 APPENDIX 

(ii) Enactment of an arbitration law respecting 
labor disputes 

(12) Arrangements for prevention of unemploy- 

ment 

(13) Equal treatment of native and alien labor 

(14) Improvement of workers' dwellings at public 

expense 

(15) Establishment of a labor indemnity system 

(16) Improvement of subsidiary work 

(17) Abolition of contract work 

(18) Universal suffrage 

(19) Amendment of the Peace Police Law 

(20) Democratization of the educational system 

i^apan Weekly Chronicle^ Jan. 8, 1920) 

B. Professor Yoshino on Japan's 
"Dual Government" 

(Extracts from a lecture delivered to a group of for- 
eign residents in Tokyo, reported in The Japan 
Advertiser^ April 2, 1920) 

"Although we oppose the militarism of the govern- 
ment and also the weak attitude of the people in 
offering opposition to what the government is doing, 
we have to recognize that there are historical reasons 
for the militarism of the government and the weak- 
ness of the people in opposing it. If we look back 
over the history of the past fifty years we see that 
there are historical reasons. 

"When Japan came into contact with China, Japan 
was impressed by her literature and various system. 



"DUAL GOVERNMENT" 115 

These were the things that Japan immediately be- 
gan to imitate. Later, when Japan came into touch 
with the Western world, the thing that stood forth 
was militarism. The ships that came from the south 
were warships. The ships that came from Russia 
were warships. The idea that the Japanese got was 
that militarism was the only thing; that militarism 
and foreign countries were synonymous. If one 
reads books that were published at that time intro- 
ducing the West to the Japanese, that was the point 
of view from which they were written and that was 
the impression given as a whole. The men who at 
that time went abroad to study, the men who are 
the older men in political and military life today, 
came back stressing the need of making Japan 
wealthy, of making Japan strong; not from the 
spiritual side, but from the material, in order that 
Japan might be able to withstand the pressure from 
the West along militaristic lines. This came to be 
a national idea that was pressed home upon the 
people by her leaders at every opportunity. There- 
fore we must acknowledge that there are good rea- 
sons for the stand of the government as a whole 
and the weakness of the people in their opposition 
to militarism. So it comes about that to develop a 
wealthy nation and a strong army becomes the high- 
est political ideal of the time. 

"The growing power of the people brought on a 
great question, especially among the conservatives. 
I think we must acknowledge that the problem that 
this brought to the conservatives was brought on 



ii6 APPENDIX 

from pure motives; that is, the question of military- 
defense. Even today Prince Yamagata thinks this 
is the biggest thing to be considered in the life.o'" 
the nation as a whole. Compared with this question 
all other questions are small. It is because of their 
concern for the nation and their desire to protect 
the nation. If the people get into power and the 
people's cabinet gets power into its hands, the dan- 
ger is that sufficient funds will not be provided to 
maintain a proper military machine. The people 
have always grudged money that has gone to build 
up a military machine and to maintain military 
defense. The result is that in 1909 a military ordi- 
nance was passed by His Imperial Majesty which 
provided that certain matters could be brought into 
force by direct appeal to His Majesty, the Emperor. 
It was not necessary to submit them to the Diet. 
Neither had members of the Diet a right to ask 
questions. The Minister of the Navy or the Min- 
ister of War could, without consulting the Premier 
or the other members of his cabinet, carry things 
over the Premier's head and bring a law into force. 
The reason was that as long as the cabinet was in 
the hands of the bureaucrats there was nothing to 
fear, but when the government came into the people's 
hands some safeguard like this was necessary. 

"The outgrowth of this matter has been that cer- 
tain things were taken out of the hands of the cabinet 
and put in the hands of the men who are in charge 
of military affairs. Not only that, but absolute se- 
crecy was kept as to the working of that group who 



"DUAL GOVERNMENT" 117 

were in charge of military functions. Under such a 
system no one, not even the Premier himself, knows 
i what is going on inside. This tendency to keep 
military matters in one group and to keep them 
absolutely secret, has grown since the Okuma 
cabinet. 

"Of course this scheme of a double government is 
not constitutional. It ought to be easily broken up. 
As a matter of fact, in the government itself, cer- 
tainly in the present cabinet and among the people, 
the opposition to this scheme is very strong and very 
pronounced. But it is very difficult to be under- 
taken. The stronger the opposition among the 
people becomes, the stronger the opposition of the 
militarists. Their whole attitude is that whatever 
is best for Japan is the thing that is to be done no 
matter who or what is to be sacrificed. The aim is 
to make Japan powerful and ensure her influence as 
a nation. If that means that China or Korea is to 
be sacrificed, it is unavoidable. This policy is mak- 
ing itself evident in Japan, Korea, and even in 
Formosa. The result is that Japan has two repre- 
sentatives in China; the consuls representing the 
Foreign Office, and the men who are over there in 
large numbers representing the General StaflF. When 
the consuls say turn to the right, the men represent- 
ing the General Staff say turn to the left. And so 
the Chinese are saying, 'What is Japan doing any 
way, what is she up to?' Of course there has been 
a change somewhat for the better in Korea and also 
in Formosa. Inevitably great mistakes have been 



ii8 APPENDIX 

made. Naturally people say, 'Why is it that the 
Premier cannot control the General Staff, the Min- 
ister of War, the Minister of the Navy, members of 
his own cabinet?' 

"There are several things that ought to be men- 
tioned here. One is that the General Staff has an 
abundance of money. Another is that it has a per- 
fect machine for propaganda which is working over- 
time. Another matter we must recognize is that 
while the Japanese among themselves are careful 
not to torment each other, some think there is no 
harm in tormenting a foreign nation. Especially is 
that true of the old type. Another thing is that the 
people at large are satisfied at the progress Japan 
has made. They look back and see what Japan has 
accomplished and that makes them indifferent. 

"And yet there is a growing number of young men, 
mostly students, who have acquired the world ten- 
dency. They are influenced by the world spirit. 
They are more and more taking these things to 
heart. If the question was put to the students as 
to whether or not we should withdraw from Siberia, 
ninety in one hundred would stand for withdrawal. 
If the question of giving Korea independence or 
complete autonomy was submitted, ninety in one 
hundred would say give her independence or au- 
tonomy. If it was put to the students, 'Shall we 
withdraw from Shantung and give it back to China?' 
ninety in one hundred would say, 'Yes.' 

*'A certain university professor says that because 
of these two contending forces we may in the future 



"DUAL GOVERNMENT" 119 

look for a revolution; but I cannot agree with the 
professor's view for the following reason. The young 
men, the forward-looking men, will go on to victory 
in the road which they have chosen. There will be 
no retreat. They will go right on advancing. That 
is not true of the conservatives. The young men 
have an inner confidence that they are right. But 
it is different with the conservatives. They are not 
sure of their ground, and the whole history of Japan 
has been that when it came to the critical time the 
conservatives gave way. When they found it was 
inevitable they gave ground. That is what is going 
to take place in the future. Take for instance the 
matter of universal suffrage. The conservatives will 
fight until the thing is inevitable and then they will 
give in. The evolution of Japan towards democracy 
will be like that of England. There will be no violent 
overturn as in Russia. Our conservatives will grad- 
ually yield to the new impulses. But as to the out- 
come there is no doubt. It will take time, but the 
men who know that they are right and are sure of 
their ground are going to win out. Japan's future 
is bright with hope." 



Chapter VII 
JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

Senba inanagazu 

Hito katarazu 

Kinshu no shogai / 

Shayo ni tatsu. 

(No war horse neighs, no voice is heard; 

Outside the walls of Kinchow I stand in the rays of the setting 
sun.) 

— Poem of General Nogi 

Thus wrote the noble knight, the modest, loyal 
patriot, the grizzled Nogi. Bowed toward the sun- 
set, his horse, his groom, and his two and only sons 
dead on the field of battle, alone he stood and re- 
dedicated himself to the terrible Port Arthur assault. 
After sacrificing the lives of 22,183 °^ ^'^^ men, this 
wonderful warrior presented to his revered Emperor 
as a 1905 New Year gift the capitulation of this 
strongest fortress of the Far East. A few days later 
began the northward march of his veterans for their 
second great struggle around the old Manchu capital. 

During the long ten days of that March bombard- 
ment when I sat in our Japanese YMCA hut at 
Newchwang listening to the breathless reports of 
the terrible conflict raging on the fifty mile front, I 
little realized what Mukden, up to that time the 
greatest battle of history, would mean to the future 

120 



MUKDEN AND TSUSHIMA 121 

of Japan. Later during April and May when we 
waited with intense anxiety for the slow coming of 
the Baltic squadron, even we who were sharing the 
travail could not forsee that from the blood of Muk- 
den and the smoke of Tsushima, Japan as a world 
power would be born. In the summer of 1905, after 
peace had come, when I visited Port Arthur and 
went over the great dismantled Russian forts, I did 
not yet see how Japan was rapidly emerging from 
an insignificant nation to one of the world's leaders. 
But in the Spring of 191 9 when on my way back 
from Siberia I revisited the old battle fields and 
looked down once more from 203 Meter Hill on 
those rapidly filling trenches where on a single slope 
2,365 brave Japanese soldiers had laid down their 
lives, I realized that Port Arthur, the plains of Man- 
churia, and Tsushima straits were the turning points 
in the history of modern Japan. Her legions and 
her warships made her great. But to read into this 
awful life and death conflict on the shores and plains 
of North China a long-term plan for the subjuga- 
tion of Asia is a juggling with both sense and 
sympathy. 

Japan in Manchuria is the story of a railroad and 
a city. The railroad is a bit of transplanted Amer- 
ican efficiency. The city is just Dairen, a unique 
combination of things European and Asiatic. After 
an absence of thirteen years I found it a new town. 
On the hill across the bridge stood, to be sure, the 
same red brick Russian buildings. The two cramped 
little rooms in the former railway offices where with 



122 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

my wife and baby I lived during the return of the 
troops in 1906, I saw unchanged. But in the Japan- 
ese city all was new. Paved, clean, and lighted 
streets led in every direction. Beautiful adminis- 
tration buildings, banks and the handsome Yamato 
Hotel surrounded the park-like square. Up-to-date 
schools, stores, houses and factories are all there. 
Dairen, better than any other city of the Far East, 
illustrates what a modern city ought to be. 

The port of Dairen has become a great commercial 
city. If Newcastle means coal, Dairen means beans. 
There are in the city fifty-seven oil pressing factories, 
some of which use modern machinery run by elec- 
tricity, while others are old-fashioned hand-worked 
Chinese mills. The annual export of beans, bean oil, 
and bean cake, now numbers 1,300,000 tons. The oil 
is used by the Chinese as an illuminating lubricant 
and for cooking, and since 1908 has been exported 
to Europe and the United States for the manufacture 
of soap. The wharf-loading record is 17,000 tons in 
a single day, while 10,000 tons is an easy average. 
The vastness of this trade is hard to imagine until 
one has seen along the railway the acres of bean 
mountains awaiting transportation. 

In 1 9 17 the leading imports into Dairen according 
to the report of the American Consul were cigarettes, 
coffee, cotton cloth, electrical materials, flour, gunny 
bags, sugar, leather, and machinery. Besides bean 
products, the exports were kaoliang, pig iron, and 
wild silk. The net imports were $74,213,120, and 
the total exports were $64,450,954. The value of 



DAIREN 123 

the soya bean oil exported to America in 191 7 and 
1 91 8 was ^19,740,640 and ^36,496,060 respectively. 

To Dairen and to all Manchuria the railway is the 
giver of life. My chief impression from travel in 
China is of the flocks of laborers gathered around 
the transportation centers, ready like vultures to 
pounce on anyone who can give them work. In 
1905 when I visited Tientsin, my baggage at the 
station was torn from me and fought over by fifty 
giants, hungry for a job. Fourteen years later at 
the same place, two score of jinrikisha men were 
kept at bay only by the policeman's whip. At Har- 
bin the streets are lined with peddlars enduring the 
fierce cold of winter, the sun of summer and the in- 
describable dust of March in order to earn a few 
coppers. Ten men doing one man's work! He there- 
fore who can give one more Chinese honest em- 
ployment and decent pay confers a blessing on that 
great nation. In this sense the Japanese adminis- 
tration in South Manchuria is a beneficence. 

The simple fact that the Chinese population of 
Manchuria, including a little of Eastern Mongolia, 
is increasing at the rate of 500,000 a year and now 
numbers 26,000,000 gives a hint of the railway's 
contribution to China's development. Some people 
seem to think that the Japanese are swarming into 
that region, but for each Japanese immigrant there 
are fifty Chinese. The total Japanese population 
in 1 91 8 was 130,700, an increase at the rate of only 
10,000 a year. The Koreans number 357,000 and 
even they are increasing three times as rapidly as 



124 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

the Japanese. Of the Japanese, nearly all are em- 
ployed on the railway, in the mines, or are trades- 
men who stay near the main highway. The agri- 
cultural lands are not being taken in any large way 
by them. 

By the Portsmouth Treaty of September 5, 1905, 
Japan received from Russia the lease of 1,303 square 
miles of hilly country in the Kwantung Peninsula, 
and the South Manchuria Railway as far north as 
Changchun. This includes seventy square miles in 
the railway zone about the fifty-five stations along 
the line. Over this zone and the leased land sur- 
rounding Port Arthur and Dairen Japan rules as 
absolutely as in her own island realm. 

The mileage of this road, which before the war 
booked through connections from Asia to Europe, 
is as follows: 



Dairen to Changchun 435 

Antung to Mukden 170 

Fushun (coal mine branch) 30 

Port Arthur Branch 31 

Newchwang Branch 13 

Changchun Kirin Branch 79 

The Western Branch 54 

Other Branches 13 



8 miles 

2 " 

8 " 
6 " 

9 " 



Total 828 . 6 miles 



(Taken from a publication of the South Manchuria 
Railway Company.) When to this is added the 
projected line from Kirin to the coast, some proposed 



THE RAILWAY 125 

branches west of Changchun and the 147 miles of 
the Russian line from Changchun to Harbin (which 
seems almost certain to become Japanese), the total 
will be well over ijCOO miles. As this road traverses 
the central and most fertile areas of a province of 
363,610 square miles, capable of supporting a popu- 
lation of 100,000,000, its value to Japan is evident. 

The rapid increase in the passenger and freight 
traffic explains the mutual benefit the road is giving 
to both China and Japan. The number of passengers 
carried in 1917, was 5,844,929, almost exactly four 
times the passengers in 1907. The freight was 
7,274,177 tons, or exactly five times that of ten 
years ago. Two million tons of beans are produced 
by the Chinese farmers, and one and one-half million 
tons of these are railroaded to the sea. 

The contrast between the efficiency and the mod- 
ern American style equipment of this road and the 
neighboring railways in China and Russia is unbeliev- 
able. At the Harbin station one April evening I saw 
and heard three thousand Chinese coolies yelling 
and fighting for standing or crouching room on a 
train of Russian freight cars. Twenty-five hundred 
jammed into the twenty-five little boxes. South of 
Changchun a few days later I saw similar travelers 
sitting in the Japanese day coaches as comfortably 
as we travel between New York and Philadelphia. 
Later, on the Chinese road, the fourth class people, 
again like cattle, were riding in the freight vans. 

The profits from this railway, including mining, 
shipping and other undertakings, have increased in 



126 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

ten years since 1907 from Yen 2,000,000 to Yen 
15,000,000. The receipts from the five hotels run 
by the railway at Dairen, Port Arthur, and Mukden, 
the seaport resort at Hoshigura and at Changchun 
were in 1917 Yen 475,000 and they were run at a 
profit of Yen 44,000. 

At Shahokou in the suburbs of Dairen, at the 
great railway shops which are the largest in the Far 
East, I found 2600 Japanese and 2800 Chinese work- 
ing. I was told that it is now very difficult to get 
sufficient Chinese laborers. The demand for farmers 
and miners in Manchuria, the development of the 
railway and mines in Shantung and the shipping of 
so many laborers to Europe, has drained the supply 
so that for once in North China laborers are scarce. 

A visit to the Dairen Experiment Station, where 
scientific investigations of value to industry are be- 
ing made, convinces one of the tremendous service 
Japan is rendering to China. This was started twelve 
years ago and eight years ago taken over by the 
South Manchuria Railway Company. On the build- 
ings Yen 280,000 was spent and on equipment Yen 
140,000. The running expenses are Yen 300,000 per 
year, of which Yen 60,000 returns as income from 
the sale of its products. This annual net outlay of 
Yen 240,000 is a direct contribution to the scientific 
development of Manchuria. The Laboratory has 
made many inventions. Its policy is to give its dis- 
coveries to intelligent companies which make use of 
them in a profitable way. One fire brick factory 
near Dairen is making bricks, glass and pottery and 



PROGRESS 127 

employing a thousand men. There is a factory for 
the weaving of wild silk and another for the making 
of cakes from millet. Another is making lineoleum 
from magnesia found in Manchuria. The most up- 
to-date bean mill in Dairen is using a process intro- 
duced by this laboratory. Experiments are being 
made for extracting from beans new kinds of oil 
and glycerine. Paper is being made from the stalks 
of kaoliang, the big millet. In one large room I 
found several chemists engaged in examining the 
water brought from the various parts of Manchuria, 
so that any Chinese or Japanese can without charge 
have the purity of his drinking water tested. 

As usual the Japanese are promoting education. 
While the Company is giving first care to the chil- 
dren of their own nationals, they are more and more 
opening schools for others. Of the 20 primary schools, 
eight are for Chinese. There are a medical school 
and language and technical schools also open to 
Chinese students. 

The chief industry of the South Manchuria Rail- 
way is the mining of coal at Fushun twenty miles 
east of Mukden. The mine is one of the largest in 
the world and the best equipped in the Far East. 
The vein was worked by the Chinese as early as the 
13th Century. The Manchu Emperor fearing the 
evil results if he should disturb Feng-Shui (the Spirit 
of Wind and Water) forbade the taking of coal. 
The mines were therefore practically forgotten until 
1901 when the Russians formed a joint Russian and 
Chinese Company. When in 1905 the Railway was 



128 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

ceded to Japan the daily output was 2^2 ^^^^ and 
the number of employees was 25^- ^^^ mining 
village of Chien Chin Chai consisting fourteen years 
ago of fifty cottages is now a prosperous town of 
37,000 Chinese and Japanese. The area of the 
mine is about ten miles from east to west and two 
and one-half from north to south. The seam aver- 
ages 130 feet in thickness but in some parts enlarges 
to 450 feet, nearly all solid coal. It is estimated that 
there are 950,000,000 tons at a depth of 40 to 3000 
feet, of which 60% can easily be mined. At the 
present rate of 2,800,000 tons a year it will take over 
three hundred years to exhaust the coal. 

Nearly all the laborers and miners are Chinese. 
Of the 26,020 employees only 1,157 are Japanese. 
In 1 91 9 the wages of the Japanese laborers were 
Yen 0.92 and of the Chinese Yen 0.43. The lowest 
paid Chinese laborer received thirty-eight sen per 
day. Cheap laborers are housed by the Company 
free of charge and they are fed for 1 1 sen a day. One 
quarter of a day's wages is charged each month for 
a hospital fee which insures the laborer free atten- 
tion if ill. The demand for coal is so great that all 
the mines can produce is sold at a high price to the 
Trans-Siberian Railway, to the cities and towns in 
Manchuria and on the coast of China. Not far 
from this mine, at Anshanchan, the Company is 
erecting a large steel mill. 

For the benefit of the employes the Company 
operates a large club house at Changchun and seven 
smaller clubs. Twelve secretaries are employed. 



FUSHUN MINE 129 

five of whom with moving picture machines and 
other equipment are constantly visiting the smaller 
stations. This uplift work was supervised until re- 
cently by the late Mr. S. Otsuka who in the Russo- 
Japanese War was field director of the Japanese Army 
YMCA. The authorities also welcome and support 
the work of Dr. T. C. Winn, a former missionary in 
Japan, who has already established seven Christian 
churches in the railroad centers. 

Complaints 

Stories of discrimination by the railway company 
against non-Japanese shippers, reports of the dis- 
agreeable officiousness of Japanese police, and ac- 
counts of downright cruelty and wrongs uncon- 
trolled by the Japanese authorities so frequently 
come to the traveler's attention that they cannot 
be passed over. 

A missionary told me that it is a common occur- 
rence for a Japanese drug store in the country to 
sell morphine to a Chinese. Seeing his degrada- 
tion the relatives get angry and kill the druggist's 
clerk. Japanese soldiers arrive, arrest and behead 
a Chinese who they claim is the murderer. A police 
box is established, Japanese red light houses come 
in and the morphine selling druggist is the leading 
citizen. Whether this is the exact sequence of 
events I cannot testify from personal observation. 
I did, however, in every city visited see more drug 
stores than sales of curative medicines could pos- 
sibly support. Photographs of the unburied corpses 



130 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

of drug fiends I bought of a Changchun stationer. 
When I finally asked a consular official about this 
commerce in injurious drugs he frankly acknowl- 
edged that he and his associates had been lenient 
towards the morphine peddlars and other low-class 
traders. Japanese were finding it so difficult to 
establish their business that the officials had deliber- 
ately winked at some bad practices. Some of the 
leading business men in Manchuria, he said, had 
made their first profits in morphine. But since 
March, 191 9, the Tokyo government had issued 
strict orders to stop this whole nefarious trade. Re- 
garding the red light districts it is only too true 
that all over Asia prostitution has followed the 
Japanese flag. 

An apparently accurate report of cruel treatment 
of a Chinese coolie at Changchun I traced to an 
amusing conclusion. A British non-commissioned 
officer and a business man published a signed state- 
ment which I condense: "On the 19th of December 
a Chinese coolie was brutally tortured by members 
of the South Manchuria Railway staff and the Jap- 
anese police. One of the office employees took a 
burning coal from the stove with a pair of tongs and 
applied it to the face of the coolie, who was appar- 
ently arrested on the charge of what we imagined 
to be a plain clothes policeman. He had apparently 
been ill-treated for some considerable time, as his 
face was dripping with blood. The whole staff 
present were treating the matter as a huge joke and 
were taking turns looking through the glass doors 



COMPLAINTS 131 

of the room where the coolie was confined, deriving 
great enjoyment from so doing." This story I looked 
into. What actually happened was that a baggage 
coolie was caught stealing clothes. Rather than 
turn him over to the police the Japanese clerks 
practised a little frightfulness on him by waving a 
hot coal near his face and painting his cheeks with 
red ink. I tried to find the fellow, but learned that 
fearing the real police he had left for parts unknown. 
A story of police red tape: An elderly American 
lady was visiting her missionary sons, one in Korea 
and the other in China. Her American passport 
had been properly viseed in Korea, but when she 
came to the Manchuria border she was summarily 
removed from the train, put on a box car and switched 
back to the Korean side of the Yalu. Here she was 
detained for twenty-four hours until her son secured 
the necessary "police permit" for her to travel in 
Manchuria. All the plans for friends to meet and 
help her along the way were thus upset on account 
of a new rule. I wish people who like to hand on 
such stories regarding the unkind practices of Japa- 
nese police could have seen what I saw on a train 
between Montreal and New York City. At the 
international boundary, at eleven o'clock at night. 
United States immigration officials with the help of 
the train and Pullman conductors, ejected from 
their berth a young Jewish mother and her twenty- 
months old baby, because the suitable passport was 
lacking. The woman hysterically asserted that her 
relatives, who actually came looking for her in the 



132 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

morning, were on the train in another car, but no 
adequate effort was made to locate them. Japanese 
officials are so uniformly courteous that any un- 
necessary harshness in Manchuria is hard to believe. 
That in transportation and other business deal- 
ings the South Manchuria Railway favors Japanese 
is quite natural and probably true. The rule made 
by the Railway Company in the spring of 1 914 gave 
color to this charge. In order to divert traffic to 
Dairen and build up that port, freight rates, regard- 
less of distance, were made the same from Mukden 
to Dairen as from Mukden to Antung or to New- 
chwang. The mileage is 

Mukden to Dairen 250 miles 

"Antung 170 " 

" " Newchwang in " 

Newchwang foreign merchants are naturally bitter 
at this injustice obviously aimed against their trade. 
In The Far East Unveiled^ Frederic Coleman 
has made a careful study of this question. With 
his conclusions my brief observations agree. There 
is little open discrimination. But when cars are 
short it is probably true that the Japanese shipper 
is served first. Mr. Coleman found that a special 
reduction of thirty per cent was given to Japanese 
who shipped certain kinds of goods to points in 
Manchuria through from Japan by one of the two 
big Japanese steamship companies. He concludes, 
however, that if any western nation should vigor- 
ously object to the obstacles that were being put by 



FIGHT FOR CONTROL 133 

Japan in the way of foreign business men a real Open 
Door might be preserved. 

My whole impression of Manchuria was that 
Japan, notwithstanding some wrongs and mistakes, 
was proving a real blessing to the country. She has 
helped to open up a rich, vast hinterland to millions 
of Chinese farmers and industrial workers. In the 
railway and the civil administration, she has given 
to China an object lesson in efficiency which must 
in time have a deep effect on that potential, mis- 
governed nation. 

To maintain her control in Manchuria, Japan has 
had a hard fight. Just after the peace treaty had 
been signed at Portsmouth in 1905, Mr. Edward H. 
Harriman, who was then in control of the New York 
Central, the Union Pacific, and the Pacific Mail 
Steamship Lines, arrived in Yokohama with a plan 
to girdle the globe with ships and rails. He con- 
ferred with the late Prince Ito in Tokyo regarding 
the lease of the South Manuchuria Railway. As 
Japan had failed to get the expected indemnity from 
Russia and as her debt had increased nearly a billion 
dollars, her finances were in a serious condition. 
Prince Ito, fearing that it would be impossible to float 
the loan required for the rehabilitation of the South 
Manuchuria road, seriously considered the American 
proposition. But when this matter was publicly 
known, there was so much popular opposition that 
the government decided to manage the concession 
without foreign help. In the next five years various 
outside proposals were made which Japan regarded 



134 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

as seriously threatening the railroad's prosperity. 
In 1907, the Peking government made a contract 
with a British jfirm to extend the Chinese Govern- 
ment Railway which now runs from Peking to Muk- 
den, from a station called Hsinmintun directly north 
to Fakumen. This would open up a rich new dis- 
trict. Japan objected on the ground that this prac- 
tically paralleled her road and thus endangered its 
prosperity. In the summer of 1908, the American 
Consul-General at Mukden, the late Willard D. 
Straight, worked out a plan with the Chinese and 
British governments by which a railroad financed 
by British and American capital should be built 
from Kinchow, west of Newchwang on the Gulf of 
Pechili, to Aigun on the Amur River on the northern 
boundary of Manchuria. This was to cross the 
Chinese Eastern Railway at Tsitsichar. This propo- 
sition was vigorously opposed by the Japanese as 
it was another scheme for parelleling their line and 
would doubtless draw off considerable of the Trans- 
Siberian traffic. Because of the vastness of Man- 
churia's rich fields, capable of supporting a population 
equal to that of the whole United States, Japan's 
objection to new railroads seems now unnecessary. 
But in those early days of her shaky financial ad- 
ministration on the mainland, Japan was anxious 
to prevent any inroads on her concessions. 

Then followed in the fall of 1909 the suggestion 
of Mr. Knox, the American Secretary of State, for 
the internationalization of the whole Russian and 
Japanese railway system in Manchuria. This Amer- 



RAILWAY SCHEMES 135 

ican plan for freeing North China from the control 
of any one country had an effect directly the reverse 
of Mr. Knox's intention. Japan and Russia, enemies 
of five years before, put their heads together, rejected 
the proposal, and on July 4, 1910, signed an agree- 
ment by which the two countries covenanted not to 
dispose of their railways and other concessions in 
Manchuria without mutual consent. Later in 191 6, 
Russia is said to have made a secret convention with 
Japan by which she surrendered her part of the 
Manchurian Railway from Changchun to the Sun- 
gari River, and recognized Japan's rights on this 
river as far as Petuna in Mongolia. (Frederick Mc- 
Cormick: The Menance of Japan ^ p. 321) 

The Chinese Revolution which broke out at 
Hangkow on October 10, 191 1, called off further 
negotiations by foreign powers regarding railways 
in Manchuria. In the following February the edict 
of abdication of the Manchus was issued. The pro- 
clamation by Yuan Shih K'ai announcing a republic 
was made. For five years no rival railway projects 
were brought forward. But early in 191 9 in Peking 
there came a proposition again from an American 
that all the railways of China be combined into one 
system, to be financed and supervised internation- 
ally. Japan was invited to consider putting the 
South Manchuria Railway into this scheme. Tokyo 
never took this seriously. But a little later at Paris 
a consortium was proposed by which all undeveloped 
concessions or mortgages held by any power in China 
would be financed and supervised by a four-power 



136 JAPAN IN MANCHURIA 

syndicate made up of bankers in France, England, 
America and Japan. As this excepts the South 
Manchuria Railway and mines and all concessions 
actually being worked, Japan and the other powers 
in April, 1920, consented to the plan. 

Manchuria in the Japanese people arouses both 
economic hope and historic sentiment. The sacrifice 
of the 135,000 soldiers will long be remembered. 
Although the Chinese complain of harsh treatment, 
although foreigners may say they suffer from the 
railway's favoritism, Japanese interests are so firmly 
established that a return to China of the Manchurian 
road and the mines is not to be expected. The 
friends of Japan do hope, however, that all claims 
of unfair treatment of other nationals may soon be 
done away and that the Japanese administration in 
Manchuria may be looked upon as a direct benefi- 
cence to all. 



Chapter VIII 

JAPAN IN KOREA 

How difficult it has been to get the facts about 
Korea can be seen from the following quotations 
from recent newspapers and magazines: 

"Special Cable to The Chronicle'' (San Francisco): 

"Paris, July ii, 191 9— According to Woon Hong 

Lyuh, a Korean delegate to the peace commission, 

20,000 leaders of the political movement have been 

killed by Japanese soldiers." 

Even The World Outlook as late as December, 
1919, handed on the rumor that 30,000 to 40,000 
had been killed. This is 3,000% exaggeration. Seoul 
foreigners when I was there estimated the total as 
under 1,000, while the official figures are 631. 

A certain Miss Heidt, who with her parents re- 
turned to America July 24, 1919, from a tour in the 
Orient, gets her new fur coat pictured in the paper 
and informs us: "The things we saw, in addition to 
the things we heard from reputable persons, make it 
appear that Japan means to exterminate the Ko- 
reans." The truth is that for a century before the 
annexation the Koreans failed to multiply, but now 
the Korean population is increasing at the rate of 
500,000 a year. 

The Literary Digest, of May 31st, under the cap- 
tion "Crucifixions in 1919," exhibited a photograph 

137 



138 JAPAN IN KOREA 

by which the editor explained to his readers the 
bitter persecution of Korean Christians by Japanese 
soldiers. This same photograph appeared in Current 
Opinion for September which credited it to The 
Christian Herald^ both of which papers gave it as 
an illustration of a recent outrage. A Japanese 
gentleman, learning of the misrepresentation of the 
American magazines, brought to The Japan Adver- 
tiser of Tokyo his scrap book prepared when he was 
in New York in 1906-7. He had clipped this much- 
used picture from The New York Journal which in 
turn had taken it from V Illustration^ a Paris pub- 
lication. This photograph taken fifteen years ago 
was also printed in Putnam Weale's Reshaping of 
the Far East, London, 1908. It illustrates a military 
execution during the Russo-Japanese War. 

Miss Heidt visited the Severance Hospital in 
Seoul (she called it the "Servants" hospital) where 
she said she saw "hundreds of victims of Japanese 
brutality, including many girls and women." I 
have a note signed by Miss Esteb the head nurse 
reporting that during the two months demonstrations 
of March and April seventy- two cases injured in the 
riots were treated at this hospital, thirty-eight of 
these suffering from gun shots, twenty-two from cuts 
and twelve from light wounds. Rather less than 
the hundreds seen by the tourist. 

The above wild statements, some from our most 
reliable magazines, illustrate the misinformation 
being served up to Americans regarding Korea. The 
truth is bad enough. Exaggeration only confuses 



HISTORY 139 

the issue. What is the real problem of Korea and 
the background of her relations with Japan ? 



I. History 

During most of the Christian Era Korea has been 
the Poland between Japan, China and Russia. Japan 
has realized that Korea was for the hordes of Asia 
the causeway from the mainland to the Island Em- 
pire; that any nation possessing Korea "holds a 
dagger at Japan's throat," only 120 miles away. 
For seventeen hundred years Japan has striven to 
hold the upper hand in the peninsula. 

In 202 A. D. the Empress Jingu led an expedition 
to Korea and received the submission of the court. 
For sixteen hundred years with varying regularity 
Korean embassies bearing tribute sailed from Fusan 
to the capital of the Japanese Shogun. 

Then a shift in the scenes. For a period in the 
sixth century the peninsula devastated by war be- 
came a part of the Celestial Empire. In 121 8 Korea 
became a vassal of Genghis Khan, the doughty 
Mongol, whose terrible horsemen swept all before 
them from Eastern Europe to the shores of the 
Pacific. 

In 1592 Hideyoshi, one of the most powerful re- 
gents Japan has ever known, angered at the growing 
influence of China and the refusal of the Koreans to 
pay him tribute, sent an army of i30,ocxd men into 
the peninsula. Five years later a second army of 
163,000 was dispatched. Both of these wars were 



140 JAPAN IN KOREA 

aimed at the combined forces of China and Korea, 
but Korea was the chief sufferer. 

When the Manchus conquered China in 1667 they 
received the submission of Korea. But notwith- 
standing her relations with China she continued to 
send her annual embassies to Japan, bearing a 
dwindling tribute until 1832 when the embassies 
ceased. 

Up to the China-Japan War the rulers at Peking 
wavered in their claims to the disputed territory. 
In 1866 after the massacre of French missionaries 
in the peninsula China, fearing the demand for an 
indemnity, protested to the French legation in Peking 
that Korea was an independent State for which 
China had no responsibility. When in 1871 Admiral 
Rogers of the American navy claimed satisfaction 
for the murder of the crew of the General Sherman 
the Chinese government again reaffirmed the inde- 
pendence of the country. As late as 1 876 when China 
advised the Korean King to sign the treaty with 
Japan it was expressly stipulated that "Chosen, 
being an independent State, enjoys the same sover- 
eign rights as does Japan." 

But China later attempted to reassert her power. 
For ten years, from 1884 to 1894 the Chinese Resi- 
dent in Seoul, the famous Yuan Shih K'ai, was the 
virtual ruler of the people. He succeeded so well in 
his efforts to win the country over that in 1890 in 
a letter to the Emperor of China the Korean King 
wrote: "Our country is a small Kingdom and a 
vassal state of China." Yuan ably carried out Li 



CHINA AND RUSSIA 141 

Hung Chang's policy of thwarting all reforms at- 
tempted by the Japanese. As described in a pre- 
vious chapter, Japan saw that she must choose be- 
tween a fight or the occupation of Korea by China. 
Japan chose war. The result was the permanent 
elimation of China in 1895 as a factor in Korea. 

Russia had to be dealt with next. By a combina- 
tion of flattery and adroitness the Russians so in- 
fluenced the Korean Queen that the Japanese saw 
the Court rapidly turning towards these schemers 
from the north. The treaty with China was signed 
on April 17, 1895. On October 8th the Queen was 
murdered. By whom is a hotly debated question. 
Some Japanese rowdies were certainly mixed up in 
the affair, and they were probably aided by the in- 
famous Tai-Wen-Kun, the father of the King. Af- 
fairs in Seoul became more confused until on Feb- 
ruary II, 1896, the King and Crown Prince in the 
dead of night fled to the Russian legation. Although 
two years later Japan and Russia signed a protocol 
mutually agreeing to recognize the sovereignty and 
independence of Korea, and to abstain from all direct 
interference in the affairs of the country, Russia 
continued her efforts to link up Korea with her pos- 
sessions in Dalny, Port Arthur and Vladivostok. 
This ruthless diplomacy led up to the Russo-Japanese 
War which also was fought by Japan to keep an- 
other country out of Korea. 

After the successful elimination of Russia, Prince 
Ito was sent to Seoul as Japanese ambassador. To 
prevent the corrupt court from further machinations 



142 JAPAN IN KOREA 

with other countries Prince Ito forced a convention 
by which the foreign affairs of the country were 
surrendered to Japan and a Japanese Resident Gen- 
eral appointed. Under this new title Prince Ito con- 
tinued to reside in the capital until his assassination 
by a Korean at Harbin on October 20, 1909. Those 
who knew him regarded Prince Ito as a devoted 
worker for the regeneration of Korea. His murder 
and the knowledge that the Koreans were again 
secretly plotting to get other countries to intervene 
against Japan led the Tokyo Government on Au- 
gust 23, 1910, to cut the Gordian knot and annex the 
country. Without a single protest or claim for com- 
pensation from any European Power Japan increased 
her territory by fifty per cent and added thirteen 
(now increased to seventeen) millions to her popu- 
lation. 

2. The Country 

Korea is a country of villages. A scant five per 
cent of the people reside in cities. The remainder 
live today as their ancestors did in little straw-roofed 
homes. The remote life of many of the people is il- 
lustrated by the following paragraph from the Seoul 
Press of March 17, 191 8: 

"The total number of Koreans killed by wild 
beasts during the past year was 88, and 162 were 
injured. In addition 163 cattle and horses and 
2,810 other domestic animals were killed. During 
the same year 19 tigers, 73 leopards, 332 bears, 199 
wolves, and 144 wild boars were bagged by the 



KOREA DESCRIBED 143 

gendarmes and police" besides those taken by other 
hunters. 

The Korean peninsula is 660 miles long and 150 
miles wide. Its area is 84,193 square miles or one 
and a half times that of New England. Critics speak 
of Japan as planning to exterminate the Koreans 
and replace them with Japanese. How contrary to 
fact! While the Japanese in the peninsula are in- 
creasing at the rate of 17,000 a year the native 
babies are adding to the population a yearly net 
gain of 400,000, more than twenty times the number 
of Japanese. Between 1910 and 1920 the Japanese 
population increased from 171,000 to 343,496, the 
Korean from 13,000,000 to 16,940,711. Including 
foreigners the total population is 17,284,207. Al- 
though some Nippon statesmen may have hoped to 
find in Korea an outlet for Japan's surplus children 
who have been exceeding the death rate by 800,000 
a year, because of the fecundity of the Koreans and 
their low standard of wages, not many Japanese will 
ever migrate across the straits. 

Korea is not like China, fabulously rich in unde- 
veloped resources. Japanese geologists are, however, 
discovering profitable deposits of gold, silver, copper, 
graphite, iron, coal and chalk. Four hundred and 
twenty-four mining permits were issued in 1917, 
and the increase in the production of minerals from 
Yen 6,067,952 in 1910 to Yen 14,078,188 in 1916 
suggests moderate mining possibilities. Of agricul- 
turial lands there are no great plains still untouched 
by the plow, as one sees over the line in Manchuria 



144 JAPAN IN KOREA 

and Siberia. Ten per cent of the country was cul- 
tivated at the time of the annexation. Land is 
being taken from swamps and hill sides and with 
intensive agriculture the country should support 
double the present population. 

The uncertainty of property ownership in old 
Korea is well described by Dr. Arthur Judson Brown, 
writing of his visit in 1901, when the country was 
still independent: 

"My missionary companion said to an intelligent 
looking Korean who lived in a modest house, kept 
one ox, and tilled a few acres of land, 'Why do you 
not build a better house, keep more oxen and culti- 
vate more land?' 'Hush,' replied the frightened 
Korean, 'it is not safe even to whisper such things, 
for if they were to come to the ears of the magistrate, 
I should be persecuted until he extorted from me 
the last yen that I possess.' Wherever we went the 
prevailing wretchedness (due to bad government 
and heavy taxation) was so great that one wondered 
how long human nature could endure it." Although 
the Koreans are still wretchedly poor, the abolish- 
ment of the system of confiscating visible wealth has 
given a real incentive to industry. 

In the interior one sees piles of stones about the 
trunk of a tree or bits of rag tied to the branches. 
The superstitious believe such trees inhabited by 
demons. By throwing a rock on the pile or attaching 
a bright bit of cloth to a twig, the attention of the 
curious devil is attracted and the fearful traveler 
dodges past in safety. Women preserve the comb- 



SUPERSTITIONS AND RELIGION 145 

ings of their hair and on a certain day burn it in an 
earthen vessel to keep the demons from entering the 
home during the following year. To believers in 
such superstition which was the prevailing religion 
of the old days the Christian message of a loving 
and supreme Father God came like a notice of re- 
lease to the captive. Mission work has made rapid 
progress. 

The 478 missionaries and their 1400 salaried fellow 
workers now shepherd churches which number 
92,230 regular members, who contributed in 1917 
$178,500 to religious work. The Buddhists claim 49 
temples and the Shintoists 6^ preaching houses, com- 
pared with the 3,164 churches, chapels, schools, and 
missionary houses, all centers of Christian activity. 
(For a full and interesting recent description of 
Korea read the first hundred pages of Dr. Brown's 
The Mastery of the Far East, Scribner, 191 9). 

3. The Japanese Occupation 

"We, in inaugurating the extension of Our Rule 
to Korea by virtue of Our Imperial Prerogative, are 
anxious to give expression to the sense of tender 
solicitude which we entertain for our subjects." 

Thus began the Imperial Rescript of August 29, 
1910, which made Korea an integral part of the Japa- 
nese Empire. The material results of Japan's solici- 
tude for the Koreans are a striking evidence of that 
efficiency and restless progress which make Japan 
the peerless leader of the East. At the same time 



146 JAPAN IN KOREA 

the failure of the administration to win the hearts 
of the Koreans as evidenced by the recent uprisings 
is causing thoughtful Japanese to question whether 
the spiritual development of their nation has not 
been sacrificed to material ends. 

The progress of Korea under Japan's guidance 
can be vividly shown by a few plain facts: 

(i) In the ten years 1907 to 1916 expenditure in 
Korea defrayed by the Japanese Treasury was 
$47,932,932 for the military and $58,786,761 for 
the civil administration — $106,719,693 expended for 
Korea. 

(2) The Government is spending $47,000,000 in 
railway construction, $8,750,000 on roads and 
$5,750,000 in harbor improvements. There are now 
1,092 miles of railroad, the company giving employ- 
ment to 10,800 Koreans and 7,000 Japanese. The 
director of the Railway Bureau is doing a particu- 
larly fine piece of welfare work for his men, employ- 
ing a YMCA secretary as chief adviser. The 500 
miles of roads in 1910 are being increased to 15,000 
of which half are completed. Mountain trails are 
giving place to automobile highways. 

(3) The area of cultivated land has increased from 
6,162,500 acres to 10,875,000. Agricultural products 
exported in 191 2 amounted to $6,355,000 and in 191 6 
to $20,460,000. Production of fruit has more than 
doubled. The export of cow hides increased from 
half a million to over a million and a half dollars. 
Waste land brought under cultivation is free from 
taxation for ten years, Salt production increased 



MATERIAL IMPROVEMENTS 147 

from 1,000,000 kin to 71,000,000 kin. (A kin is 
I Vs pounds.) There are nearly a million depositors 
in the postal savings banks. 

(4) The factories have increased from almost nil 
to 780, producing $25,000,000 worth of products a 
year. 

(5) Common school pupils have increased from 
20,000 to 82,000 besides the 54,000 in private institu- 
tions. The 14 industrial and commercial schools 
have grown to 90, including special schools for tech- 
nology, agriculture, and fishing. There are also high 
grade colleges of medicine, agriculture, forestry and 
engineering. Korean students in Japan number 574. 
(On May 31, 1920 there were 675 public common 
schools with an enrollment of 132,099 pupils N. Y. 
Times^ Aug. 21, 1920) 

(6) Water works at an expense of five million dol- 
lars have been installed in fourteen cities and towns. 

(7) The Emperor of Japan at the time of the 
annexation provided a fund of |i 5,000,000. The 
interest from a part of this fund, amounting to half 
a million dollars a year, subsidizes 427 schools, pro- 
vides charity relief and is used for the practical pur- 
pose of training the old literati or Yangban in useful 
methods of livelihood. 

(8) The tree planting! Books on Korea always 
used to tell of the universal lack of trees. My im- 
pression of Korea is that all the hills, along the rail- 
road at least, are wooded. By Japanese influence 
more than ten million trees have been planted near 
Seoul, and in all Korea 473,195,576. 



148 JAPAN IN KOREA 

(9) Time would fail to tell of the wonderful hos- 
pital in Seoul, the banks, the modern post and tele- 
graph, the improvements in local administration, 
in courts, prisons, and in the safety to life and prop- 
erty. Fifteen million dollars was spent in resurvey- 
ing the land and clarifying all the boundaries of 
farms and fields. 

The following comparative table gives the climax 
to this brief story of one of the most backward nations 
of the Orient being brought to economic rebirth. (A 
koku is five bushels, a yen is fifty cents, a kin is i ^ 
pounds.) 

Products 1910 1916 

Rice 7,900,000 koku 12,500,000 

Wheat and Barley. . . . 3,500,000 " 6,250,000 

Beans 1,800,000 " 2,900,000 

Cotton 11,000,000 kin , 45,000,000 

Cows 700,000 1,300,000 

Manufactures ¥19,000,000 ¥59,000,000 

Mining Products Y6,ooo,ooo ¥14,000,000 

Fishing ¥8,100,000 ¥16,000,000 

Imports ¥39,732,000 ¥74,000,000 

Exports ¥19,913,000 ¥56,801,000 

Japan may well be proud of her service to Korea. 

4. The Independence Movement 

At the end of the uprising of March and April, 
1 91 9, I spent a week in Korea examining the cause 
and the meaning of the two months' independence 
demonstrations. I made these investigations in 



INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 149 

order, as an outsider who knows Japan, to get if 
possible an unbiased estimate of the actual con- 
ditions in Korea today. The frankness of some of 
the Japanese officials in allowing me the freedom 
of the country is illustrated by a card of introduction 
which old General Kojima, the Chief of Police and 
Gendarmes, gave me. As I had expressed the desire 
to interview soldiers and the lower police officers 
without being under suspicion, this genial old soldier 
drew from his pocket a calling card and wrote on it: 
"G. Gleason of the YMCA is my friend. I desire 
that frank answers be given to any questions he may 
ask." This card broke the ice everywhere. By its 
introduction I chatted with soldiers, gendarmes and 
Japanese and Korean police and drew from them 
as well as from my missionary colleagues the facts 
and impressions which are here presented. 

(i) Story of the Uprising 

The origin of the recent agitation for independ- 
ence has been traced by some to a Korean named 
Rhee, who was once a pupil of President Wilson at 
Princeton. For years he and other supporters out- 
side of Korea have been agitating against Japan. 
With confederates in the United States, Hawaii, 
China, and Manchuria, he seems to have planned a 
demonstration to take place at about the time he 
expected to be in Paris. He hoped to get the ear of 
President Wilson. The Washington Government, 
however, refused to give him a passport and the 
demonstration took place as planned but without 



ISO JAPAN IN KOREA 

the corresponding agitation in Europe. Many of the 
Koreans doubtless had been led to believe that real 
independence could be achieved. Some of them 
thought President Wilson might appear in person 
to head the movement, and other simple minded 
people believed that they were celebrating what 
had already been determined. They thought that 
cheering for independence might give them some 
special preferment in the new government that was 
to be established. 

On the first of March, thirty-three young men, 
about fifteen of whom were Christians and the others 
members of the semi-religious, semi-political Tendo 
sect, met in a park in Seoul and without any notifi- 
cation to the missionaries, in the presence of a large 
crowd of Koreans read the Declaration of Independ- 
ence which they had drawn up and signed. After 
this they went to a tea house nearby and telephoned 
to the police to come and arrest them. They were, 
of course, promptly clapped into jail. From this 
park a procession started to parade the streets 
shouting "Mansei (hurrah) for Independence." 
This was the beginning of the demonstrations which 
spread all over the Korean Peninsula. 

(2) Official Report up to October, igig 

Of the 2500 village districts in Korea there were 
uprisings in 577, the total number of demonstrations 
being 779 with demonstrators numbering 452,868. 
Riots took place in 236 places. The police and gen- 
darmes numbered 8,000 Koreans and 6,000 Japanese 



OFFICIAL REPORT 151 

located in 1800 villages. There were besides these 
about 25,000 Japanese soldiers all of whom at one 
time were engaged in supressing the demonstrations. 
In 185 places guns were fired at the demonstrators; 
631 Koreans were killed and i ,409 wounded. Nine 
Japanese policemen were killed and 186 wounded. 
In 87 places public buildings were destroyed and in 
88 places private houses were burned. Up to July 
20th, 28,934 Koreans were arrested. While there 
is a slight duplication in the reports, the following 
treatment was given those arrested: 

7,111 were set free without trial; 
8,993 were committed to trial; 
5,156 were sent to prison; 
10,592 were flogged and released. 

In only two out of the nearly 600 villages where 
demonstrations took place did the Koreans use fire 
arms. That such a peaceful movement resulted in 
the killing and wounding of 2,000, the arrest of 29,000 
and the flogging of over 10,000 is a fact which calls 
for meditation more than for comment. No Japa- 
nese can be surprised at the widespread wave of 
protest. 

(3) The Burning of the Church at Chai-Amm-Ni 

The reports of this sad incident are conflicting, 
but the following is close to what happened: Near 
the village of Chai-Amm-Ni two Japanese police- 
men had been killed. It was decided to punish the 
villagers. On Tuesday, April fifteenth, early in the 



152 JAPAN IN KOREA 

afternoon some soldiers entered the village and 
ordered the leading adult male Christians and 
members of the Tendo sect to gather in the church. 
In all some twenty-seven men assembled. They 
were attacked and apparently most of them were 
shot or bayoneted before the soldiers set fire to the 
building. A few tried to escape by running out of 
the church but were killed. Two women who rushed 
to help their husbands were murdered. Both were 
Christians. The soldiers then set fire to the village 
and left. This act was too much even for the Japa- 
nese authorities. The Governor General acknowl- 
edged that the soldiers had gone beyond their orders. 
The officers in that district were given the heaviest 
punishment possible without calling a special court 
martial. The massacre was a horrible and cruel re- 
prisal as doubtless were other punishments meted 
out where Japanese police were killed. 

(4) Other Incidents 

The poor psychology of most of the Japanese 
police, gendarmes and soldiers was the cause of much 
cruelty. The whole uprising took them by surprise. 
In some places the police showed the kind of wisdom 
which if possessed by all their colleagues would have 
allowed the uprisings to pass off without any blood- 
shed. One policeman permitted the people in his 
district to celebrate for three days when he told them 
that if they wanted to preserve their independence 
they must build up an army and navy; this would 
require much money so they had better go back to 



STORIES OF THE UPRISING 153 

their work and accumulate the wealth necessary to 
develop the nation. They went away in peace. At 
another place the demonstrators came to the police 
station and demanded that the official business be 
handed over to them. The official in charge wisely 
replied that he had received no instructions from 
Seoul but when orders arrived he would hand over 
the books. The crowd quietly dispersed. On the 
other hand, I was told that the special soldiers called 
over from Japan were given their ammunition on the 
boat so that when they landed in Fusan they expected 
immediately to go into battle. Another soldier spent 
all his money in the port thinking that he would soon 
die fighting. He was amazed when he saw the peace- 
ful condition of the country. This failure of army 
officers to instruct their soldiers that they were going 
among an unarmed people and that the demonstra- 
tions should be put down as far as possible without 
force accounted for a good deal of the unnecessary 
brutality shown by the soldiers. One notices among 
Japanese army men even in Siberia that they are 
trained to fight but that they are not experts in mak- 
ing friends or in suppressing trouble by moral force 
rather than by cartridges and the bayonet. The 
seeming cruelty shown in Korea is due, I think, not 
to the brutal hearts of the Japanese soldiers but to 
their system of training. 

I may add here that I have not found evidence 
that there has been a single case of assault on Korean 
women by any of the Japanese soldiers or police. 
Someone has started the statement that the brutal- 



154 JAPAN IN KOREA 

ities of the soldiers in Korea may be compared to 
the treatment of the Armenians by the Turk. I 
wish to take every opportunity hotly to protest 
against such a statement. The Japanese have made 
mistakes in the management of Korea. They have 
been cruel. The above mentioned burning of the 
church was horrible and inexcusable but it was their 
method of punishing what they looked upon as 
lawlessness and murder and has nothing in common 
with the driving of innocent Armenians into rivers 
and deserts or the murder and rape of girls and 
women. 

(5) Visit to Kyung Dari 

In company with four missionaries I rode out 
from Seoul to one of the burned villages in the Su 
Won District. In this one little hamlet ninety 
houses, or practically every building except the 
police station, were burned. A government official 
from Tokio told me that the soldiers had set the fire. 
I heard that it was one of fifteen villages which had 
been destroyed, and I looked on the ashes of a burned 
Christian church which I understand was one of 
forty-one similar places of worship to which the 
torch had been put. I took many photographs in 
this village. As I motored over the good roads built 
by the Japanese, as I saw some of the nearly half 
billion of trees planted on the hillsides, I contrasted 
the splendid material improvements with the sad 
desolation of this little village. One terrified old 
woman who had built a little hut over her earthen 



KYUNG DARI 155 

jars and pots, the only remnant of what was once 
her home, told us how the day before her only son 
and means of support had been arrested and taken 
away to jail. The assistant pastor and caretaker of 
this destroyed church told me of his arrest and inter- 
rogation by the police who tried to force him to 
report the details of the death of the policeman on 
the road nearby. He removed his coat and showed 
me his blue arms, the record of the blows he had 
received because he declined to tell what he did not 
know. One other young Christian in Seoul also 
showed me the scars on his arm, his side and his 
thigh where he had been beaten at the police station 
because he could not truthfully tell what the police 
tried to make him state. 



(6) Newspaper Attacks on Missionaries 

During the demonstrations some Japanese ver- 
nacular papers made strong and unwarranted attacks 
on the missionaries. I give a few samples: 

"The stirring up of the minds of the Koreans is 
the sin of the American missionaries. The uprising 
is their work. . . . These messengers of God are 
only after money, and are sitting around their houses 
with a full stomach. The bad things of the world 
all start from such trash as these." 

"The American missionaries were behind the re- 
cent move. These missionaries have been ingratiat- 
ing themselves with the Koreans and instigating 
them to riot when there was no cause for it. . . . 



156 JAPAN IN KOREA 

Japan is vexed very much by Americans in Korea, 
China and Siberia." 

But these were only the hasty words of excited 
reporters. The Keijo Nippo of Seoul late in April 
wrote: "The attitude of missionaries in Chosen 
with regard to the recent trouble, with one or two 
exceptions was on the whole fair, and all suspicion 
held against them is now gone." 

Civil Governor Yamagata on a visit to Tokyo 
interviewed by the Japan Advertiser said: "No mis- 
sionary in Korea, directly or indirectly, took part 
in the Korean demonstration, although it is quite 
probable that some missionaries have shown their 
sympathy with the Koreans." 

(7) Influence on Mission Work 

One missionary, Mr. Mowry of Pyeng Yang, was 
arrested, convicted of harboring criminals and sen- 
tenced to six months' imprisonment with the execu- 
tion of the sentence deferred. He appealed. He 
was convicted by the first count because he allowed 
Korean young men to stay at his house when ac- 
cording to his reported testimony he "guessed" the 
police were after them. Two missionaries were later 
forbidden to continue as principals of schools because 
they did not restrain their pupils from further agita- 
tion. With one exception all the missionaries I met 
have shown great patience and wisdom. Until a day 
or two before the uprising they knew nothing about 
what was to occur. But the fact that so many 
Christians were implicated has made the subordinate 



MISSION WORK 157 

officers among the police and gendarmes very sus- 
picious of the whole Christian movement. The re- 
sult is that the work of the missionaries is difficult 
and unless some solution for this problem can be 
found, the progress of the church in Korea may be 
very slow. Missionaries and friends of Korea are 
much distressed as to the future. The pettiness of 
many of the police officers has been trying. In one 
case they entered the home of a lady missionary 
and as a suspicious article removed from the cover 
of a sofa pillow the symbol of old Korea. From the 
wall of another missionary's house they took away 
an old Korean map. Occasionally a gendarme enters 
a church during the service and examines all the 
people present. The police have been known to 
take the roll book of a church and call on every 
member; also when a Korean makes a generous 
donation to a church or Christian school he is likely 
to be questioned as to his motives in making such 
a gift. 

5. Causes of the Uprising 

From the facts that have been related above, it 
is probably already plain what were the causes of 
the opposition to the Japanese administration in 
Korea. All who have visited the country recognize 
that on the whole Japan has made a splendid con- 
tribution to the material welfare of her dependency. 
Why then are the Koreans so dissatisfied.? The 
reason was expressed to me most succinctly by a 
Japanese major. He said: "The trouble in Korea 



158 JAPAN IN KOREA 

is that the higher officials lay emphasis on statistics 
and not on the winning of the hearts of the Koreans." 
The Japanese government officials in Korea have 
worked hard and in most cases effectively for the 
improvement of the country but their way of doing 
it has been lacking in tact as well as friendliness. 
They have failed to win the people. If I were to 
define in detail the defects of the Japanese admin- 
istration I should mention four, all of which, I may 
say, I talked over with Japanese officials in Seoul. 
They agreed with me on every one of these points. 

(i) Discrimination Against the Koreans 

Although Korea is an integral part of the Japanese 
Empire, the salaries of the Korean officials for the 
same work were less than those of Japanese. The 
preparatory education for Koreans was eight years 
and for Japanese eleven. Nearly all Japanese as- 
sume an air of superiority toward the Koreans. And 
the laws for the Koreans have been different from 
those for Japanese. 

(2) The Strictness of the Administration 

Considering the simplicity of the Koreans there is 
too much red tape. As one Korean said, "If there 
is forty miles of red tape in the United States there 
is 4000 miles in Korea." There have been too many 
rapid and sudden changes in the customs and too 
many and irritating laws made which the people 
cannot understand. 



CAUSES OF THE UPRISING 159 

(3) The Lack of Freedom 

There are in Korea 1800 police and gendarme 
offices occupied by men most of whom are of petty 
minds and narrow sympathies. Appeal from their 
continual annoyances was impossible because the 
Koreans had no newspapers and magazines in which 
they could write. Freedom of speech, of assembly 
and of the press were not known. There was taxa- 
tion without representation. When the world is 
being made "safe for democracy" it is not strange 
that the Koreans thought this an opportunity for 
winning their rights. 

(4) Espionage and Cruelty 

Through the continual examinations by police and 
gendarmes, privacy and personal rights have been 
done away. The police enter private residences and 
even the women's quarters to make their searches. 
Everybody is suspected. Unwisely the Japanese in 
their prison management retained the Korean cus- 
tom of corporal punishment for minor offences. One 
blow could be substituted for each yen of fine im- 
posed or for each day of the term of imprisonment. 
Some years ago statistics were published showing 
that two thirds of the prisoners put on trial were 
flogged. In the four years, 1913 to 191 4, 221,000 
were tried and only 496 were acquitted. These con- 
victions illustrate the annoyance and cruelty of the 
espionage system. Add to this the undoubted fact, 
evidence of which I saw, that the police were tortur- 



i6o JAPAN IN KOREA 

ing innocent people in order to get testimony from 
them, and one sees that the Koreans have abundant 
ground for complaint. Even in Japan proper similar 
torture has until recently been practiced. In a long 
speech in the Tokyo Diet in February, 191 6, Mr. M. 
Takagi, a well-known barrister, recounted case after 
case of brutal treatment of persons suspected of crime. 

6. Reforms 

Soon after the demonstrations, Japanese news- 
papers, prominent Japanese politicians and other 
leaders made many suggestions for reforms: The 
Military Administration should give place to a 
Civil. They called attention to the wearing of 
sabers by teachers in the primary schools. The old 
element of militarism and espionage should be done 
away. Viscount Kato, the former Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, even went so far as to favor some form 
of autonomy for Korea. Some suggested that the 
Koreans should be allowed representation in the 
Japanese Diet, or should be granted a national as- 
sembly. Others proposed freedom of the press, 
assembly and appeal. 

Happily most of the above suggestions are being 
carried out. In the Emperor's Rescript of August 20, 
1919, His Majesty called upon his officials "to rush 
reforms" and endeavor "that a benign rule may be 
assured to Korea and that the people diligent and 
happy in attending to their respective vocations 
may enjoy the blessings of peace and contribute to 



REFORMS i6i 

the growing prosperity of the country." Premier 
Hara followed with a proclamation announcing 
that "it is the government's fixed determination to 
forward the progress of the country in order that 
all differences between Korea and Japan proper in 
matters of education, industry and of the civil ser- 
vice may be finally obliterated. ... It is the ulti- 
mate purpose of the Japanese government in due 
course to treat Korea as in all respects on the same 
footing with Japan proper." 

Although a law has been enacted that a civilian 
may occupy the highest office in Korea, Admiral 
Baron Saito, the new Governor General, is a retired 
naval officer. His disposition and acts place him 
however, between the old military dictator and the 
hoped-for democratic administrator. Associated 
with him is Dr. Kentaro Mizuno, the former Home 
Minister. Baron Saito has loudly proclaimed his 
intention of placing Japanese and Korean subjects 
on a footing of equality. He reports that already 
many Koreans are occupying high posts in the gov- 
ernment. Among them are five provincial governors, 
forty-four judges and public procurators and two 
hundred and one county magistrates. In order to 
learn the desires of the people Baron Saito summoned 
to Seoul fifty-two representative Koreans, four from 
each of the thirteen provinces. " It is my intention," 
he writes, "to grant the people freedom of speech 
and press." He plans "to grant the Korean people 
the administration of local affairs at some opportune 
time in the future." He intends "to open loo new 



iSz JAPAN IN KOREA 

common schools a year during the next four years, 
making a total of 860 common schools for Korean 
children." Flogging has been abolished. The 
government spent in 1919 a million Yen fighting 
the cholera invasion from Manchuria and was pre- 
pared "to defray the expenses up to ten million Yen 
to relieve the suffering from the drought in the north- 
western part of the country." {The Independent^ 
January 31, 1920) 

The police system has been transferred from a 
military to a civil system. Japanese gendarmes 
numbering 1,135 ^^^ Korean gendarmes numbering 
568 have been discharged and 4,788 new policemen 
have been recruited from Japan. Two thirds of 
these never served as police before. Many of them 
were addressed by Christian pastors before they 
left Tokyo. The police force now aggregate 16,313, 
of whom 7,520 are Koreans. {The Korean Situation, 
No. 2, p.^ 14) ^ 

A cordial attitude towards Christianity has been 
shown by the new administration. In the new 
educational regulations announced on March 7, 
1920, religion and the Bible are permitted to be 
taught in private schools. Two Japanese Christian 
pastors have been employed in the Department of 
Education and the Department of Religion. While 
several of the high officials in the old administration 
were changed, not one of the Christians was removed. 
{The Korean Situation, No. 1, pp. 14, 15) 

The impression made upon a missionary by Baron 
Saito's efforts is given by Bishop Welch of the Meth- 



BISHOP WELCH 163 

odist church in The Korea Mission Field for March, 
1920: 

"It is true that many arrests are still being made, 
that spies are numerous, and that the treatment of 
prisoners is not yet according to enlightened modern 
standards. But on the other hand it is also true 
that there is an attempt to introduce into the police 
system not only a civilian administration but civilian 
ideals, that men trained in Japan and carefully 
instructed as to kindly conduct have been added 
in large numbers to the force, that the employment 
of former gendarmes is only temporary, and that 
no recent case of wholesale brutality has been re- 
ported. 

"There is less emphasis upon the military among 
the officials as witnessed by the disappearance of 
countless uniforms and swords. The salaries of 
Japanese and Koreans in government employ have 
been equalised in the various grades. Educational 
reforms of the very sort urgently requested by 
friends of the Korean people have already been an- 
nounced and others are under consideration. Per- 
mits have been given for the publication of three 
newspapers edited and owned entirely by Koreans, 
and others are assured. Commendable progress has 
been made towards freedom of publication, freedom 
of speech and freedom of association. A Korean 
Advisory Council is being revitalised and has spoken 
frankly for the people. Local councils are promised 
for the spring. . . . While nothing spectacular has 
been done, a beginning has been made towards the 



i64 JAPAN IN KOREA 

preparation of the people for self-government." 
(Quoted in Japan Chronicle^ March i8, 1920) 



7. Conclusion 

Friends of Korea must have patience with Japan. 
She took over the supervision of the country at the 
end of the Russo-Japanese War when she was ex- 
hausted from her terrible two years of fighting. Her 
national debt had risen from Yen 561,000,000 to Yen 
2,217,000,000. She had neither the money nor the 
trained officials with which to meet her new and 
great responsibilities in Saghalin, Manchuria, and 
Korea. That she has made so few failures has given 
her a place among the Big Five nations of the world 
today. 

Can we blame Japan for replying to her critics 
that Great Britain has had similar uprisings in Egypt 
and India where the number of natives killed seems 
to have been several times the number of deaths in 
Korea ? What can we in America say when Japanese 
remind us that we have lynched 3,224 people in 
thirty years — two every week — sixty-one of whom 
were women? They can remember, too, our race 
riots with every probability of more to come. Would 
that they never hear of Haiti! 

What can American military men say, when our 
neighbors point to that horrible record of cruelty in 
our army as published in the Literary Digest of 
August 9, 1919? "In December, 191 8, at an Amer- 
ican military prison in France a soldier prisoner with 



CONCLUSION i6s 

an imperfect knowledge of English was given some 
minor military order. For failure to respond as the 
officer thought he should, he was cruelly beaten. 
Under punishment he cried out 'This is terrible!' 
Two sergeants and a lieutenant beat him again, and 
placed him in a 'pup' tent for solitary confinement. 
During the afternoon his quietness was noticed, and 
when the tent was torn down he was lying on his 
back with his throat cut. 

"It was a common thing to see a sergeant knock 
a man down or beat him up on the slightest prov- 
ocation. One morning as the men fell in line for 
breakfast one man was slightly out of line. Sergeant 
Bell went up to him and punched him in the face six 
times." 

And what can Europe say? According to the 
New Republic of July 2, 1919, "the White-Guard 
Finnish government was possessed of the persons 
of some 120,000 'Red' citizens as prisoners, of whom 
some 15,000 were shot. 

"An English correspondent of the New States- 
man of London said that 'at Lahti (Finland) 200 
women were taken out early one morning in the 
second week of May and mowed down in a batch by 
machine guns.' He said that the total number of 
Reds executed or murdered was from 15,000 to 
20,000." And this is the government that was recog- 
nized by the American State Department. 

This period of national and international read- 
justment calls for patience. We missionaries and 
our supporters must not be unduly disturbed, or 



i66 JAPAN IN KOREA 

turned aside from our great tasks, by unsettled con- 
ditions. We must remember that much of the foreign 
mission work of the world is done in countries where 
there is civil war or great unrest. Some discouraged 
missionaries say: "Let us go where we can work 
in peace." Some thoughtless critics say that the 
missionaries cause unrest. We would rather say: 
Unrest causes or calls the missionaries. 



Chapter IX 



JAPAN AND CHINA 

"There have been many great crises in history, but none 
comparable to the drama which is now being enacted in the 
Far East, upon the outcome of which depends the welfare not 
only of a country or of a section of the race but of all mankind." 

' — Minister Paul S. Reinsch 



Japan 

56,000,000 people 
140,200 square miles 
Few natural resources 
7,860 miles of railway 
2,539,848 tons of steam- 
ships 
$1,815,122,000 foreign 

trade in 191 8 
Strong Central govern- 
ment 
650,000 tonnage of navy- 
People united and pat- 
riotic 



China 

400,000,000 people 
4,300,000 square miles 
Vast natural resources 
6,467 miles of railway 
150,000 tons of steam- 
ships 
$1,231,437,000 foreign 

trade in 191 8 
Civil War 

No navy of consequence 
Many different dialects, 
little patriotism 



A FEW comparisons like the above and the back- 
ground of "The Twenty-one Demands," Shantung, 
and the four hundred million yen "Loans" is be- 
fore us. (From August, 19 14 to October 25, 191 8, 
Japanese loans to China totalled Yen 391,430,000. 

167 



i68 JAPAN AND CHINA 

Millard: Democracy and the Eastern ^estion, p. 192) 
He who would clearly think through the Japan- 
China problem must also remember other relevant 
facts: 

Since 1848 Portugal has annexed approximately 
800,000 square miles of territory; Belgium, 900,000; 
Germany and Russia each 1,200,000; the United 
States, 1,800,000; France, 3,200,000; Great Britain, 
3,600,000; and the other white nations another 
500,000, thus making 13,200,000 square miles of 
territory directly annexed by white races during 
seventy years, an area three and one half times the 
size of Europe." (Bishop Bashford: ChinUy An In- 
terpretation y p. 446) 

Can we wonder at Japan's conclusion that White 
history seems to prove that patriotism is both love 
of land and "love of more land?" Other countries 
have grown great by aggression. Why not Japan? 
At her very door lies the most pregnant combination 
in the world: Inexhaustible and uncharted natural 
resources, an undeveloped market, the greatest on 
the globe, and a streaming supply of virile labor. 
Add to these material elements, the similarity in 
language, customs, literature and religion, and 
Japan's opportunity in China becomes to her an 
imperative call. 

Said a Japanese railroad man to me at Harbin: 
"If every Chinese who wears one patched cotton 
suit a year, would raise his living standards, so as to 
need two, the demand could not be met even by 
doubling the mills of Japan." Who can imagine 



NATURAL RESOURCES 169 

the buying power of 400,000,000 vigorous human 
beings when their energies are harnessed to produc- 
tive mines, railroads, improved farms and humming 
factories? 

Every investigator is amazed at the bigness of 
China's natural resources and the backwardness of 
their development. Mr. Julean Arnold, economic 
expert of the American legation at Peking, told us that 
five-sixths of the people of China live in one-third 
of the territory, leaving the other two-thirds practi- 
cally uncultivated. While in Shantung there are 
500 people to the square mile, there are undeveloped 
parts of Mongolia teeming with mineral and animal 
life which may be even richer than our western 
plains. With her vast fields stretching away to the 
setting sun, China produces only 2,500,000 bales of 
cotton as against America's 12,000,000. The wheat 
production is 250,000,000 bushels, or less than a 
third of the 850,000,000 of the United States. In 
Szechuan province, wheat sells for twenty-six cents 
a bushel. Another twenty-six cents for transporta- 
tion should put it on the Shanghai market at less 
than sixty cents, or about one-fourth the price paid 
American farmers in 1919. By improved farm 
methods, by the development of new lands and the 
opening of railroads, China may solve the high cost 
of food for the whole Orient, if not for the world. 

An American coal expert estimates the world's 
supply outside the United States and China at 573,- 
000,000,000 tons, while naming 1,500,000,000,000 
as the supply of China. At the present rate of con- 



I70 JAPAN AND CHINA 

sumption China could coal the world for 1500 years. 
Iron ore, too, is found in abundance. In 1913, 
President Farrell of the United States Steel Company- 
stated that Hangkow pig iron could be landed at 
San Francisco at $10.78 per ton, just half the Amer- 
ican price at the same place. A British engineer 
estimated that no Chinese could in a day smelt as 
much iron as 100 Pittsburg workers. Their wage, 
however, was one-fifteenth of the American. He 
added that with some easily made improvements, 
the Hangkow company could produce pig iron at 
$3.00 per ton. (Bashford: Chinuy An Interpretation, 
pp. 449, 450) But the output in 191 8 was a mere 
half million tons in contrast to America's thirty-nine 
millions. 

While one-third of China's imports are cotton 
goods, her spindles number only 1,500,000 in com- 
parison with the 3,500,000 of Japan, 32,000,000 of 
the United States and 52,000,000 of England. In 
China, there are only 5,000 looms and in England 
840,000. To erect a factory of 50,000 spindles and 
500 looms requires 1 1,000,000. When one ponders 
a moment on the amount of money which will be 
required to equip China's mills, exploit her fields 
and mines and lay out her railroads, one can appre- 
ciate the words of Mr. Baker, the American adviser 
to the Chinese Department of Communications: 
"There is not sufficient capital in all the world to 
start China running as a modern concern." Speak- 
ing of Japan's fear that there is not room enough for 
other foreign interests in this vast country, Mr. 



COMMERCIAL POSSIBILITIES 171 

Arnold remarked: "I wonder that there is a human 
being that can read and write who can hold these 
little ideas." 

Some American business men, also still deaf, dumb 
and blind to the unlimited and elastic future trade 
of Asia, including that of waking Russia, complain 
of the dangerous economic rivalry of Japan. Such 
economists fail to see two important facts: First, 
that the commercial possibilities of the Far East 
are beyond calculation, providing room enough for 
all. John Spargo estimates that Russia alone will 
need $12,500,000,000 worth of machinery for fac- 
tories, $4,000,000,000 to improve waterways, $8,500,- 
000,000 for her railways and unestimated quantities 
of farm machinery. (Russia as an American Prob- 
lem, pp. id^-T-jf^ Second, that the deeper Japan 
enters into these possibilities the greater becomes 
her own consuming power. See how her imports 
have grown: 

1898 ■ Yen 277,000,000 

1908 436,000,000 

1918 1,668,000,000 

1919 2,173,000,000 

Notwithstanding the tremendous exports of the 
last four years, her excess of imports for 1919 was 
$38,700,000, and for the first six months of 1920 it 
was $247,470,000. Q^ew York Times ^ July 18, 1920) 
Prosperity for one brings prosperity to all. 

Japan's mistakes in China began, it seems to me, 
at the close of the Russo-Japanese War. Instead 



172 JAPAN AND CHINA 

of being the modest friend, Japan became the superior 
neighbor. Evidence has been all too frequent. As 
far back as 1906, I saw a Japanese pulling a Chinese 
about by the hair because the coolie had accidentally- 
spilled some water on the soldier's coat. At Chang- 
chun Station last spring a railroad guard calling a 
train, roused the sleeping Chinese by a kick. By 
such over-bearing treatment, Japan has steadily 
lost that almost worshipful respect which in 1905 
she won on the Manchurian plains. What should 
have been a campaign of friendship has given way to 
a policy of force. 

The Twenty-one Demands 

The Twenty-one Demands of January 18, 191 5, 
were an undisguised, concrete evidence of Japan's 
aggressive policy. The original articles can be found 
in full in the appendix to Chapter V. Against this 
act, all foreign and much Japanese opinion has been 
united. 

Of these Twenty-one Articles such an impartial 
writer as A, S. Hershey gives his impression: 

"Group V showed that Japan was aiming at the 
political control of China, whether for its own sake 
or in order, more likely, to be able the better to ex- 
ploit her commercial and industrial resources. The 
granting of these demands would, in effect, have 
transformed China into a protectorate, a vassal 
state of Japan. {Modern Japan^ p. 304) 

Even Baron Gonsuke Hayashi, former Japanese 
Minister in Peking, later Governor General of the 



THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS 173 

leased territory in Manchuria, now Ambassador to 
England, said of these negotiations: 

"When Viscount Kato sent China a note con- 
taining five groups, and then sent to England what 
purported to be a copy of his note to China, and 
that copy only contained four of the groups and 
omitted the fifth altogether, which was directly a 
breach of the agreement contained in the Anglo- 
Japanese Alliance, he did something which I can 
no more explain than you can. Outside of the ques- 
tion of probity involved, his action was unbelievably 
foolish." (Quoted by Frederic Coleman — The Far 
East Unveiled^ p. 73) 

The Japan Weekly Mail, always more than friendly 
to the government, baldly stated the situation in 191 5: 

"If it is Japan's settled pohcy to dominate and 
control China and to achieve the hegemony of East- 
ern Asia, this appears to be an ideal opportunity. 
The hands of Europe are tied. The hands of the 
United States are folded in peace. China, herself, 
is important. Europe has set Japan a bad example. 
What is Japan, that she should rise superior to the 
common level and show an unselfish regard for the 
rights of other nations when the whole civilized 
world is in a debauch of conflicting national ambi- 
tions and selfishness?" (Quoted by Hershey: Mod- 
ern JapaUy p. 302) 

The protest of the American government, which 
since 1784 has negotiated forty-six treaties embody- 
ing the principles of the Open Door and the Terri- 
torial Integrity of China, was a matter of course. 



174 JAPAN AND CHINA 

The main parts of the Demands we mentioned 
in Chapter V. But because of its encroachment upon 
England's sphere of influence in the Yangtze Valley, 
the section bearing upon the Hanyeping Company 
calls for special mention. 

The Yangtze-Kiang River is one of the finest of 
the giant waterways of the world. From the moun- 
tain fastnesses of Thibet, it flows 3,500 miles to 
where it empties 770,000 cubic feet of water per 
second into the Eastern Sea. Of the eighteen prov- 
inces of China, it flows through five and touches 
the boundaries of another two. More than 200,000,- 
000 souls are counted in the population of this basin 
of 700,000 square miles. For ocean going steamers, 
the river is navigable for 1,000 miles, for small 
steamers another 300 miles and for junks 200 more — 
1,500 miles of inland water communications. 

"It is on the Yangtze basin," remarks a Japanese 
official report, "on account of its immense wealth 
and variety of products, that for the present and the 
future, will be centred the commercial interest of 
the whole world." 

Into the heart of this great waterway broke Group 
Three of the Twenty-one Demands. 

"When the opportune moment arrives, the Han- 
yeping Company shall be made a joint concern of 
the two nations (China and Japan), and without 
the previous consent of Japan, China shall not by 
her own act dispose of the rights and property of 
the said company or of neighboring mines." 

This paragraph concerns the iron and steel mills 



HANYEPING COMPANY 175 

at the city of Hanyang, which with Wuchang and 
Hangkow, form the upper Yangtze commercial center 
with a population of 1,500,000 people. The Han- 
yeping Company owns a large part of the Tayeh iron 
mines, eighty miles east of Hangkow, with which 
there are water and rail connections. The ore is 
sixty-seven per cent iron, fills the whole of a series 
of hills 500 feet high, and is sufficient to turn out 
1,000,000 tons a year for 700 years. Coal for the 
furnaces is obtained from Pinghsiang 200 miles dis- 
tant by water where in 19 13, five thousand miners 
dug 690,000 tons. Japanese have estimated that 
the vein is capable of producing yearly a million 
tons for at least five centuries. (Frederic Coleman: 
The Far East Unveiled, pp. 49-51) 

Thus did Japan attempt to enter and control a 
vital spot in the heart of China which for many years 
Great Britain has regarded as her special trade do- 
main. 

It is true that the agreement in its final form merely 
pledged China not to hinder the formation and opera- 
tion of a joint Chinese and Japanese Hanyeping 
Company, but the far-reaching plans disclosed in 
their original demands caused widespread consterna- 
tion. 

Followed by Japan's insistence that all the German 
rights in Shantung should be turned over to her, 
followed also by ambitious actions in Siberia, these 
Twenty-one Demands have been the signal to 
Chinese, and to foreigners interested in their own 
trade or the future independence of China, for united 



176 JAPAN AND CHINA 

action against Japan's further political expansion 
on the mainland. 

Shantung 

The Shantung storm has for a year swirled around 
Articles 156-158 of the Peace Treaty. They read: 

Article 156. — Germany shall transfer to Japan 
all the rights and privileges acquired by her 
from China by virtue of the Treaty concluded 
on March 6, 1898, and other agreements regard- 
ing Shantung, including the railways, mines 
and cables. All the rights relating to the Shan- 
tung-Tsinanfu Railway and its branch lines 
shall be acquired and retained by Japan, to- 
gether with all the property, stations, rolling 
stock, estate, mines, equipment and material 
required for mining supplementary to the rail- 
ways. Japan shall also acquire the cables be- 
tween Shanghai and Tsingtau and between 
Tsingtau and Chefoo, together with all the 
rights and privileges attached to them, without 
any compensation, and without incurring ex- 
pense or receiving restraint. 

Article 157, — Japan shall acquire and retain, 
without any compensation whatever and with- 
out incurring any expense or receiving any 
restraint, the movable and immovable property 
possessed by the German state in Kiaochow 
and all the works and improvements, and the 
rights naturally to be insisted on as the result 
of the expenses to be borne. 



SHANTUNG IN THE PEACE TREATY 177 

Article 158, — Germany shall deliver to Japan 
within three months after the operation of the 
present Peace Treaty all the registers, title deeds, 
other official papers and documents regarding 
the administration of Kiaochow, together with 
all the papers relating to the rights and privi- 
leges mentioned in the two preceding Articles. 
{Japan Advertiser y June 14, 1 919) 

The above award gave to Japan 256 miles of rail- 
road, two cables, some coal mines and a seaport in 
the province of Shantung. Considering that China 
needs a hundred thousand miles of railroad, that 
her unmined minerals are fabulous and that she can 
absorb limitless capital, the transfer of a few con- 
cessions from an enemy of China to a neighbor, if 
rightly done, should not have aroused excitement. 
But in the background of Shantung, were Manchuria, 
Korea and the 191 5 Demands. China thought she 
saw Japan putting a circle of control around the very 
capital of the republic. 

What actually happened at Paris concerning 
Shantung, is made plain in a public statement by 
President Wilson on August 6, 191 9. 

"In the conference of April 30 last, where this 
matter was brought to a conclusion among the 
heads of the principal allied and associated 
powers, the Japanese delegates. Baron Makino 
and Viscount Chinda, in reply to a question 
put by myself declared that: 



178 JAPAN AND CHINA 

'The policy of Japan is to hand back the 
Shantung peninsula in full sovereignty to China, 
retaining only the economic privileges granted 
to Germany and the right to establish a settle- 
ment under the usual conditions at Tsingtau. 

*The owners of the railway will use special 
police only to insure security for traffic. They 
will be used for no other purpose. 

*The police forces will be composed of Chinese, 
and such Japanese instructors as the directors 
of the railway may select will be appointed by 
the Chinese government.' 

"No reference was made to this policy being 
in any way dependent upon the execution of 
the agreement of 191 5. Indeed I felt it my duty 
to say that nothing that I agreed to must be 
construed as an acquiescence on the part of the 
government of the United States in the policy 
of the notes exchanged between China and Japan 
in 1915 and 1918." 

{Boston Herald y August 7, 1919) 

Viscount Uchida, the Foreign Minister, has re- 
peatedly stated: "The Japanese troops will be 
completely withdrawn, and the Railway is intended 
to be operated as a joint Sino-Japanese enterprise 
without any discrimination in treatment against the 
people of any nation. The Japanese Government 
have moreover under contemplation proposals for 
the establishment of a general foreign settlement, 
instead of the exclusive Japanese settlement, which 



SHANTUNG 179 

by the agreement of 191 5 with China they are en- 
titled to claim." {Japan Advertiser^ August 3, 1919) 

(For conflicting statements by Japanese pub- 
lications regarding Shantung, see Appendix to 
this chapter.) 

Japan's hopes of acquiring these German rights 
had been communicated early in 1917 to all the 
Allied belligerent governments. 

"The governments of Great Britain, France, 
Italy, and the government of Russia then existent, 
promptly and willingly acknowledged the justice of 
Japan's claims, and agreed to support them at the 
Peace Conference." (Viscount Uchida in The N. Y. 
Independent, Jan. 3, 1920) 

This agreement, China seems not to have known. 
When in the spring of 1917, she declared war, she 
notified Germany that the treaty and grants forced 
from her in 1898 were abrogated and must therefore 
revert to China. She seemed to hope without any 
expense to herself to get back all the investments 
Germany had made in Shantung. 

The Chinese students seized upon the Shantung 
incident as an opportunity to stop Japan's further 
aggressions in China and to remove their own corrupt 
politicians. 

Three days after the Paris Conference announced 
its decision to allow Japan to remain in Shantung, 
3,000 students of Peking marched to the home of 
Tsao Ju Lin, Minister of Communications and a 
prominent pro-Japanese who has negotiated the 



i8o JAPAN AND CHINA 

many loans with Japan during the last few years. 
Tsao left by the backdoor as they entered the front. 
But they caught in the house and beat up Mr. Chang 
Chung Hsiang, Chinese Minister to Japan, who was 
as pro Japanese as Minister Tsao. Afterward they 
burned the house. From this began that strike 
against Japan by the students of China which, largely 
by peaceful means, has aroused the whole nation. 

The students demanded the dismissal of "the 
three traitors" as the students called Mr. Tsao, 
Minister of Communications, Mr. Chang, Minister 
to Japan, and Mr. Lu, Director General of the Cur- 
rency Reform Bureau. Their anti-government 
activities resulted in the arrest of a thousand students 
in Peking alone. Other agitators, however, took 
their places and the movement became so widespread 
and heated that on June eighth the thousand stu- 
dents were released and on June eleventh "the three- 
traitors" were dismissed from office. 

A boycott of Japanese goods was started. Some 
Chinese claim that 80% of the Japanese export 
business to China has been stopped, that one steam- 
ship company reported to its shareholders a loss of 
1330,000 due to this boycott, and that the movement 
for home industries has been greatly increased. One 
American firm, it is asserted, received orders for 
twenty new and complete cotton mills to be set up 
in China in the next two years. {The Nation^ Dec. 23, 
1919) 

Travellers from China report stores selling Japa- 
nese goods are going bankrupt. Japan's official re- 



THE BOYCOTT i8i 

ports, however, indicate from the boycott little effect 
on the China trade. The exports from Japan to 
China increased from Yen 359,150,000 in 191 8 to 
Yen 447,049,000 in 191 9. The imports to Japan in- 
creased from Yen 281,702,000 in the former year to 
Yen 322,100,000 in 191 9. There was a gain in ex- 
ports to China of 24%. (Reported by the Consul 
General of Japan in New York.) 

Only in South China, where trade is small anyway, 
the exports did decrease from Yen 611,000 in 191 8 
to Yen 87,000 in 19 19. 

The conduct of Japanese citizens and officials in 
Shantung has been severely criticised. In the Mis- 
sionary Review of the World for December, 191 9, a 
correspondent writes: 

"When the Chinese labor battalions returned 
from France and when allotment money was paid by 
the British authorities to families of the laborers, 
the Japanese rushed in large numbers of prostitutes 
to entice the Chinese and obtain their money at the 
expense of their morals." 

"Hostility to the American Presbyterian Mission, 
founded in Shantung in 1863 by Dr. Hunter Corbett, 
was manifested by the establishment by the Japanese 
of a large 'red-light district' in Tsingtau across the 
road from the Mission compound. The Mission will 
probably be compelled to sell its property for a nom- 
inal sum and move elsewhere." 

On the other hand the Berlin Mission Society has 
stated: 

"In Shantung Superintendent Voskamp was the 



i82 JAPAN AND CHINA 

only ordained German missionary who was allowed 
to remain in Tsingtau. He is considered a prisoner 
and is not allowed to write home, but he has been 
permitted to conduct the work of the Mission. 
Heathen Japan has treated her enemies better than the 
Christian nations. " 

{The Christian Work^ March 6, 1920) 
Japan seems unintentionally to have made the 
greatest recent contribution to the welding together 
of the Chinese people. They needed a uniting influ- 
ence. As recently as 191 5, at the Far Eastern Olym- 
pics at Shanghai, where athletes had gathered from 
the Philippines, Japan and China, the Christian 
educator Chang Poling remarked: "Here is some- 
thing new. Before this I have seen Chinese represent 
a province, or the North or the South, but today is 
the first time I ever saw students cheering for China." 
From the heat generated over the Shantung contro- 
versy has arisen a wave of enthusiasm and sacrifice. 
Some day, perhaps, China will thank Japan for this 
stimulus to her national union. 

Opium and Morphine 

The mention of opium and morphine in connection 
with China brings little credit to the nations of the 
West. England's head hangs in shame; the United 
States is guilty; Japan, too, has joined the group of 
the disgraced. As I write I have before me from the 
Peking and Tientsin Times of January, February 
and March, 1919, sheet after sheet giving the printed 



OPIUM AND MORPHINE 183 

lists of 250 Japanese stores known to be selling mor- 
phine in Peking, Tientsin, and numerous cities in 
Manchuria and Shantung. It only mildly alleviates 
the dishonor to Japan to know that most of the drug 
emanated from London, Philadelphia and New York. 
Photographs and other evidence show that the pack- 
ages were shipped by parcel post to some of the larg- 
est firms in Japan and through them distributed to 
the small druggists and needle carrying pedlers in 
North China. This is done through the Japanese 
post offices, the packages of which Chinese officials 
hesitate to open. 

Dr. Wu Lien Teh, one of the best known experts, 
estimates that from 1916 to 1918 morphia and heroin 
were imported into China to the terrific amount 
of twenty tons, sufficient to give 1,000 million injec- 
tions, and to poison the manhood of the country. 
Putnam Weale writes: "This trade, while it is al- 
most entirely handled by Japanese sub-agents and 
pedlers in China, is largely based on British export. 
Although licenses are necessary for ordinary trade 
export, no licenses are required to despatch from 
England by parcel posts two pounds of a drug con- 
taining 70,000 injections. The real secret of this ne- 
farious trade is that the manufacture of morphia is 
entirely uncontrolled by the British Government. 
And when petty Japanese officials in Dairen and 
Tsingtau are empowered to issue licenses, accepted 
by the British Government as justifying export in 
unlimited quantity, we begin to see what is behind 
this business. That England should be even more 



i84 JAPAN AND CHINA 

responsible than Japan for a continuance of this 
traffic is a blot on her fair name which the British 
Government must remove." {Japan Advertiser, 
August 5, 1 91 9) 

Responsibility, too, rests on China. Some opium 
is still grown, especially where the military governors 
control. They even stimulate the traffic. Dr. Wu 
told me that in Kirin the Chinese military governor 
pays his soldiers in opium. They sell it to the mer- 
chants. Then the soldiers go out, arrest the dealers, 
seize the opium and take it to the military governor. 
He again uses it to pay the soldiers. 

In this same city the Chinese police knew that 
Japanese were selling morphia. They seized the 
drug, arrested the dealers and asked the Japanese 
consul to punish them. The consul complained to 
the Chinese authorities and the police were fined for 
interfering with the rights of trade of Japanese. A 
merry-go-round of lawlessness which brings no credit 
to any participant. 

Any one who has seen the photographs of dead 
morphine fiends thrown out in heaps to be eaten by 
dogs can feel only indignant at any civilized govern- 
ment which does not honestly and heartily join the 
International Opium Agreement of 1914. Although 
this has never been approved by all the nations and 
is not officially in force, China and England on March 
31, 1917, signed a contract for the absolute suppres- 
sion of the traffic. Finally in the spring of 1919 Japan 
announced both in Tokyo and in Peking that her 
consuls would take measures to stop the business 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 185 

and apply to her nationals in China the strict penal- 
ties enforced against dealers and smugglers in Japan. 
Here again Japan shows the disposition to follow the 
other nations. Were this awful drug problem at- 
tacked by the League of Nations Japan would cer- 
tainly join the movement and do her part to suppress 
in China this age-long scourge. 

The Military 

For excusing the occasional misconduct of Japa- 
nese soldiers, officials and citizens I hold no brief. 
But Japan's reason for locating numerous military 
men in China may be a genuine fear for her people 
and her economic holdings. China is still and has 
always been an unsettled country. While Japan 
boasts that her ruling family has endured unchanged 
for 2,580 years, China, during 4,000 years of substan- 
tial history, has suffered twenty-six changes of 
dynasty. In 1898 there was a coup d'etat when the 
old Empress Dowager seized the government. In 
1900 came the Boxer Uprising. Following this after 
eighteen months of exile the fickle Empress Dowager 
was again in the lead. In 1908 a program of consti- 
tutional reform was announced, two years later the 
first National Assembly met, and the following year 
there was the Revolution. It has been chaos ever 
since. 

The Monroe Doctrine For Asia 

Japan is plainly maneuvering to find her place in 
Asia. A feeler here, a new enterprise there. Her 



i86 JAPAN AND CHINA 

journalists frequently speak of "Japan's Monroe 
Doctrine for Asia." Although many sharp criticisms, 
notably by Thomas Millard in Our Eastern Ques- 
tion, have been aimed at Japan for sheltering her 
acts under President Monroe's wings, one may ques- 
tion whether when the smoke has cleared and the 
boundaries are settled the conduct of the United 
States on the Western Hemisphere, and the policy 
of Japan in Eastern Asia may not eventually be the 
same. 

"As a principle," enunciated Monroe in 1823, 
" * * * the American Continents * * are henceforth 
not to be considered as subject for future coloniza- 
tion by any European power * * * We owe it, 
therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations 
existing between the United States and those powers 
and declare that we should consider any attempt on 
their part to extend their system to any portion of 
this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety." 

Japan is determined, I repeat, that Occidental 
nations shall make no further aggressions on the 
western shores of the Pacific. Her ability to enforce 
this policy has been achieved since 1904. During 
these sixteen years, while maturing, Japan has doubt- 
less said and done many immature things. But she 
has annexed less territory than the United States 
since Monroe spoke for us, although she has no un- 
developed resources comparable to ours. Her prompt 
approval of the League of Nations and her assent to 
the Consortium give clear evidence that as soon as 



THE CONSORTIUM 187 

fear for her "economic life and political safety" is 
removed Japan's policy for Asia will be a real Monroe 
Doctrine. 

The Consortium 

At last a joint financing of foreign concessions in 
China is in sight. Since the Knox proposal in 1906 
for the internationalization of the railways in Man- 
churia, many plans to extricate China from her for- 
eign commitments have been proposed. For over 
a year England, France, America and Japan have 
been considering a Consortium for pooling through 
an international banking combine all large foreign 
loans and enterprises in China. At first Japan held 
off. The proposal was regarded by many Japanese 
as a scheme to steal their rich concessions in Man- 
churia, Mongolia and Shantung. The discussion 
aroused caustic comment in the vernacular papers. 
Said the Hochi: 

"It passes our comprehension why the rights 
which Japan has acquired by virtue of treaty should 
be passed over to such a private concern." 

The Chauvinistic Yamato declared: 

"The Consortium should be broken up. The 
diplomats of this country seem to feel no hesitation 
whatever in sacrificing anything and everything on 
the altar of cooperation with the Powers. At this 
rate they might consent to abolish our Imperial 
House should America and France induce Britain to 
declare herself a republic, and then come and demand 
a change in the national organization of this country." 



i88 JAPAN AND CHINA 

The usually staid Kokumin adds: 

* * * "If treaties between Japan and China were 
not to be binding without the sanction of America, 
if Japan were to abandon her vested interests at 
America's bidding, if even the policy of government 
in Korea were to be changed to consult America's 
pleasure, what would become of the unsullied pres- 
tige of the Empire as an independent Power?" 

The Yorozu shouts: 

"Japan must not join the Consortium unless Man- 
churia and Mongolia be excluded. The Japanese 
nation must absolutely refuse to endorse a scheme 
whose object may be to place China under an 
Anglo-Saxon administration. In the name of liberty 
America annexed part of Mexico, absorbed Cuba 
and the Philippines and swallowed up Hawaii. 
Greater hypocrites than the Americans it would be 
difficult to find. China is now in danger on their 
account." (Quoted in Japan Chronicle^ Aug. 28, 1919) 

Notwithstanding the difficulties and prejudices 
encountered the consortium agreement has been 
concluded. At one stage in the negotiations Japan 
wished to exclude "such interests as might be nec- 
essary to safeguard her economic life or political 
safety." She finally consented to forego this formula 
and agreed with other nations to pool all large con- 
cessions and public undertakings in China except 
those that have already been developed. Japan thus 
preserves her hold on the South Manchuria Railway, 
its branches and mmes, the Shantung Railway and 
the mines already being worked. While it leaves a 



CONCLUSION t89 

free field for small industrial undertakings, it pro- 
tects China from large exploitation by any single 
power. A loan of ^250,000,000 is to be negotiated 
which will be paid in installments of ^50,000,000 for 
the improvement of Chinese finances and internal 
works. None of it can be applied to military purposes. 
Let us hope that here ends the old concession 
scramble in China and begins the opening of a real 
Open Door and Equal Opportunity both for other 
nationals and for the 400,000,000 of that vast Re- 
public. 

Conclusion 

The Japan-China question is easy to state but 
more difficult to settle. Since 1868 Japanese minds 
have been studying history. With their marvelous 
patriotism born of an intense loyalty to the ruling 
house they have sought the secrets of national power. 
What they found the great nations doing is exactly 
what they have done. Can we of the white races sit 
on our thirteen millions of square miles of annexed 
territory, much of it forcibly conquered and now 
walled in, and throw stones at the imitative, ambi- 
tious Japanese? Japan' expansion, call it aggression 
if you like, will never be stopped by spattering ink 
on such subjects as "The Menace of Japan," "The 
Yellow Peril" or "The International Nuisance." 
As a big hearted Britisher said to me in Peking: 
"After all, the real crux of the problem is England 
and America. If we of the Anglo-Saxon race can 
develop real democracy at home and establish hon- 



190 JAPAN AND CHINA 

esty in international dealings abroad, Japan and 
China will follow." Mr. Obata, the much criticised 
Japanese minister in the Chinese capital, expressed 
the same opinion. Japan will watch the world ten- 
dency and conform to it. Had America promptly and 
generously joined the League of Nations, however 
imperfect the present plan may be, had the League 
begun a systematic, scholarly study of international 
problems, China would be safe. As President Wil- 
son said to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: 
"I have no doubt that should China make complaint 
to the League Council about Shantung, the Council 
would consider her claim promptly." {Boston 
Herald, August 20, 191 9) Speaking in the Civic 
Auditorium at San Francisco the President restated 
his solution of the Eastern question: "The League 
offers a tribunal before which China can bring her 
complaint about the wrongs she has suffered for 
years." At another meeting on the same day Mr. 
Wilson explained more fully: "Under the League 
of Nations Japan solemnly undertakes, with the rest 
of us, to respect and protect the territorial integrity 
of China. * * * This is the first time in the history 
of the world that anything has been done for China. 
And sitting around our council board in Paris, I put 
this question: 'May I expect that this will be the 
beginning of the retrocession to China of the excep- 
tional rights which other governments have enjoyed 
there?* And the responsible representatives of the 
other great governments said: 'Yes, you may ex- 
pect it.'" {New York Times, September 18, 1919) 



THE SOLUTION 191 

There is the solution of the whole China problem. 
Who is to blame for its delay? The politicians at 
Washington who by their party bickering and selfish, 
narrow Americanism have held up our active func- 
tioning in the League of Nations are of all people in 
the world responsible for China's plight today. 
Japan believes that if she does not exploit and develop 
China other countries will. She can point to numer- 
ous precedents. As long as England holds Hongkong 
and Wei Hai Wei, as long as France possesses 300,000 
square miles in South China, while the Foreign Con- 
cessions in Shanghai and Tientsin and the legation 
fortresses of Peking continue to exist, until China 
can rule herself and develop her rich resources her- 
self, and until America opens her opulent doors in a 
more generous way, it is only international hypoc- 
risy that demands of Japan to give up her economic 
holdings on the mainland of Asia. With her growing 
power, Japan is determined that no other nation 
shall have the hegemony of that Oriental area. She 
also will exert her every force to make safe her access 
to markets and raw materials. Her purpose is fixed. 
But when the League of Nations is a going concern, 
when this world council can guarantee the political 
integrity of weak states and a just approach for 
every people to Nature's wealth and human demands, 
then and then only will the Japan-China question be 
solved. 

It is probably true that Japan's policy toward 
China wavers with the changing atmosphere of the 
West. When the Powers show signs of establishing 



192 APPENDIX 

a new system of international dealing Japan lets up 
in her so-called aggressions. When, on the other 
hand, England tightens her hold on Egypt and Per- 
sia, and France enters Syria even though, as we are 
told, eighty per cent of the Syrians oppose the deal, 
Japan puts another wedge into China. On one point, 
however, her policy never changes. To state it is but 
to repeat: Access to China's minerals and markets 
is an obsession from which Japan never will and 
never should recover. Her method of gaining this 
access will depend upon precedents set by her older 
and more powerful associates. The Japan in China 
problem is, therefore, up to us. Japan consciously 
or unconsciously has passed the buck. 

Appendix A 

STATEMENTS BY JAPANESE PUBLIC MEN REGARDING 
THE RETURN OF SHANTUNG 

On the very day of the Japanese ultimatum to 
Germany in August, 1914, Count Okuma sent a 
telegram to the American press in which he said, 
"Japan has no territorial ambitions and hopes to 
stand as the protector of the peace of the Orient." 
On August 24, Count Okuma telegraphed to The 
New York Independent as follows: 

"As Premier of Japan, I have stated and I now 
state to the people of America and to the world that 
Japan has no ulterior motive, no desire to secure 
more territory, no thought of depriving China or 
other people of anything which they now possess. 



RETURN OF SHANTUNG 193 

My government and my people have given their 
pledge, which will be as honorably kept as Japan 
always keeps promises." 

On August 25, the Kokusai Tsushinsha, a Japanese 
news agency with close official connection with the 
Foreign Office, cabled the following to Europe and 
America: "On the highest authority Renter's cor- 
respondent is able to state that . . . Japan will 
restore Kiaochow and will preserve the territorial 
integrity of China. . . . The ultimatum will be 
adhered to whether Tsingtau is taken by force or 
otherwise." 

But note the change. 

"In December, 1914, Baron Kato declared in the 
Diet that Japan had made 'no promise whatever 
with regard to the ultimate disposition of what she 
had acquired in Shantung. The purpose of the ulti- 
matum to Germany was to take Kiaochow from 
Germany and so to restore peace in the Orient. 
Restitution after a campaign was not thought of 
and was not referred to in the ultimatum. "' 

In her ultimatum to China on May 7, 191 5 the 
Japanese Government declared 

"The Imperial Japanese Government, in taking 
Kaiochow, made immense sacrifices in blood and 
money. Therefore after taking the place, there is 
not the least obligation . . to return the place to 
China." 

(The above can be found in Hershey: Modern 
Japan, p. 300; and in Spargo: Russia as an American 
Problem, p. 170.) 



194 APPENDIX 

Appendix B 

Ultimatum issued by Japan to Germany, August 
15, 1914: 

"Considering it highly important and necessary 
in the present situation to take measures to remove 
all causes of disturbances to the peace of the Far 
East and to safeguard the general interest contem- 
plated by the agreement of alliance between Japan 
and Great Britain in order to secure a firm and endur- 
ing peace in Eastern Asia, the establishment of 
which is the aim of the said agreement, the Im- 
perial Japanese Government sincerely believe it 
their duty to give advice to the Imperial German 
Government to carry out the following two prop- 
ositions: 

To withdraw immediately from the Japanese and 
Chinese waters German men-of-war and armed 
vessels of all kinds and to disarm at once those which 
cannot be so withdrawn. 

To deliver on a date not later than September 15, 
1 9 14, to the Imperial Japanese authorities without 
condition or compensation, the entire leased territory 
of Kiaochow, with a view of eventual restoration 
of the same to China. The Imperial Japanese Gov- 
ernment announce at the same time that in the event 
of their not receiving by noon, August 23, 1914, the 
unconditional acceptance of the above advice offered 
by the Imperial Japanese Government, they will be 
compelled to take such action as they may deem 
necessary to meet the situation." 



CONCESSIONS IN CHINA 195 

Appendix C 

non-japanese foreign concessions in china 

In a leaflet published by the League of the Darker 
Nations of the World the reading public is asked why 
the Chinese at Paris were so bitter against Japan's 
concessions in China when no demands were made 
for the retrocession of similar concessions by other 
countries. A list of a few of these was appended: 

1. Russian-Belgian concession to build a railway 
from Ranchow to Haimon — August, 191 2. 

2. Russo-Mongolian Treaty — November, 191 2. 

3. Belgium secures silver mining concession in 
Hupeh Province — January, 19 13. 

4. Russo-Mongolian Loan Agreement — June, 1913. 

5. Draft of Chino-British convention concerning 
Mongolia — October, 1913. 

6. France acquires concession to build railways 
from Yunnan to Chengto in Szechuan Province — 
February, 19 14. 

7. The Standard Oil Company acquires the con- 
cession to exploit oil fields in Shensi Province — 
February, 19 14. 

8. American interests reported to have acquired a 
naval port on the Fukien Coast — February, 19 14. 

9. England acquires concession to build railway 
from Nanking to Changsha — March, 1914. 

10. England acquires concession to build railway 
from Hsuchow, Honan Province, to Jengyang, 
Hupeh Province — May, 19 14. 



196 APPENDIX 

11. France acquires exclusive privilege to build 
railways and exploit mines in Kwangsi Province — 
September, 19 14. 

12. The Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Mon- 
golia — June, 191 5. 

13. American International Corporation acquires 
the privilege to build 1,100 miles of railways in China 
— October, 191 6. 

14. American International Corporation acquires 
the right to repair the Grand Canal of China — Octo- 
ber, 191 6. 

15. France forcibly seizes a strip of land at Tient- 
sin — October, 1916. 

16. Chicago Continental & Commercial Bank 
contracts a loan of $30,000,000 to the Chinese Gov- 
ernment — November, 1916. 

17. American Bankers make agreement with China 
for a loan of unspecified amount — July, 1918. 

(Quoted in The Japan Review y November, 1919) 



Chapter X 
JAPAN AND AMERICA 

"The stars and the sun never fought in their courses; so shall 
America and Japan, in whose flags are embedded these symbols, 
never clash in their orbits." — Viscount Ishii. 

In Manchuria fifteen years ago nearly every army 
officer I met remarked: "Japan owes a great debt 
to America. It was your Commodore Perry who 
roused us from our sleep and thus enabled us to stem 
this Russian tide. America is Japan's best friend." 

The intimate relations of the past should be a 
prophecy of the future. An intermittent fever, how- 
ever, of caustic newspaper writing on both sides of the 
water reveals a smouldering friction which ought to 
be squarely faced. An analysis of the sources of this 
discord will be the purpose of this chapter. 

For Japan the main causes for anti-American feel- 
ing are four: 

1. The suspicion that behind Mr. Harriman's pro- 
posal in September, 1905, to lease and operate the 
newly acquired Russian Railway in South Man- 
churia, and behind the Knox and similar plans men- 
tioned in Chapter VII, was America's hand restrain- 
ing Japan from the rightful fruits of her victory over 
Russia. 

2. The similar suspicion that in China, Korea and 

197 



198 JAPAN AND AMERICA 

Siberia, America is an obstacle to the free carrying 
out of Japan's policies. 

3. The an ti- Japanese agitation on the Pacific 
Coast. 

4. The vicious, continuous repetition in the Ameri- 
can press of war-scare lies. 

Of these four, the first is past history. The others 
still remain. 

In America, according to Dr. Nitobe, anti-Japa- 
nese sentiment has seven origins: (i) German propo- 
ganda; (2) jealousy of Japan by British traders in 
Chma; (3) party tactics at Washington; (4) the 
California agitation; (5) sympathy for the Koreans; 
(6) the hostility of the Chinese; and (7) the idea that 
Japanese militarism is a menace to democracy. (Dr. 
Inazo Nitobe, writing from New York to a Tokyo 
magazine, quoted in Japan Advertiser ^ July 30, 191 9) 
The first three may be dismissed as now out of date. 
The last four remain. 

Condensing the above opinions we can trace the 
whole trouble between America and Japan to four 
main sources: 

I. Newspaper Propaganda 

Japanese newspapers in venting their irritation 
at America have shown more heat than logic. A few 
selections will suffice: 

The Nichi Nichi: "The real reason why the United 
States is sympathizing with China (on the Tsingtau 
question) is for the purpose of promoting American 
ambition. The fact is that the United States is seiz- 



NEWSPAPER PROPAGANDA 



199 



ing every opportunity to exclude Japanese influence 
from China." ( Japan Advertiser , April 20, 1919) 

The Yamato in a serial letter to President Wilson 
in May, 1919, attacking him for the blocking of 
Japan's plans at the Peace Conference, concluded:^ 
"Mr. Wilson, if you do not reconsider and correct 
your attitude, the real sense and justice of the world 
will stigmatise you as Satan." 

{Japan Advertiser ^ May 7, 191 9) 

The Chuo: "The League proposal has been 
brought forward to modify all the international agree- 
ments entered into before America's entry into the 
war. In a word, the League is an instrument to be 
used for fulfilling America's ambition." 

{Japan Advertiser, May 2, 191 9) 

The Yomiuri: "America's economic policy now 
is directed toward the Orient and it is her ideal to 
make the Pacific Ocean her garden pond. America's 
activities in China did not begin today. . . . These 
economic activities have been extended to Siberia. 
. . . .America is endeavoring to acquire a supreme 
position in the world, so that she may act as a nation 
of authority." {Japan Advertiser, March 4, 191 9) 

Finally, the Kokumin gives the finishing touch: 
"The diplomacy of America aims at making Britain 
and France her servants in Europe, and Japan her 
slave in the Far East." 

{Japan Ckronicle, August 2S, 191 9) 

While Japanese dailies have been pouring out 
unscrupulous criticism to a credulous people, Ameri- 
can newspapers have been propagating lies to a gul- 



20O JAPAN AND AMERICA 

lible public. For ten years they have been retailing 
under scare headlines a series of incredible yarns. 
Of more than twenty of these vicious, enmity pro- 
voking tales collected by Dr. Gulick in his "Anti- 
Japanese War Scare Stories" I will speak of the three 
hardest worked. 

Magdalena Bay Stories 

Magdalena Bay is in the Mexican peninsula called 
Lower California. In 191 1 the story circulated that 
Japan had bought a naval base there. The Hearst 
papers insisted that 60,000 Japanese had been landed 
ready to strike at our west coast. To nail this rumor, 
Dr. David Starr Jordan made an investigation. Of 
the 60,000 reported by Hearst he was able to locate 
but six. They were all peacefully working in a Mexi- 
can canning factory. The only foreign land deal was 
by an American syndicate. 

Six years later, in April, 191 7, a letter was ad- 
dressed to Congress by a Californian who "saw thou- 
sands of Japanese fishing all the morning at Mag- 
dalena Bay, Mexico, and drilling all the afternoon." 
He thought the number about 4,000. Dr. Gulick 
followed up this trail. He met the informant who 
acknowledged that there were not more than 200 
Japanese fishermen along the whole coast, that the 
drilling soldiers were all in Mexican dress, and that 
he did not get near enough to them to see their 
faces. Thus went to its repose the crisis at Mag- 
dalena Bay. 



NEWSPAPER PROPAGANDA 2oi 

Turtle Bay 

In January, 191 5, a Japanese war ship, the Asama, 
in pursuing German vessels, grounded at Turtle Bay. 
This also is an inlet in Lower California, 400 miles 
south of San Diego. The New York Herald of April 
15th came out with a most sensational story that 
the Japanese were establishing a naval base. The 
writer "saw them there": five Japanese warships, 
six colliers, and supply ships, 4,000 Japanese marines 
and sailors in actual occupation of Turtle Bay, the 
harbor mined, a wireless telegraph plant in operation, 
patrol ships guarding the approach to the harbors, 
while armed men and sixty tons of ammunition were 
being landed. 

The Washington government this time made its 
own investigation. Commodore Irwin of the U. S. 
Cruiser New Orleans visited Turtle Bay. What did 
he find? The Japanese cruiser aground, a repair 
ship with its attendant coaling boat, two British 
colliers and four fishing craft. This little accident 
to a Japanese warship chasing German raiders some 
writers have been malicious and childish enough 
to paint as a deliberate plan to intimidate the 
United States while Japan was negotiating the 
"Twenty-one Demands" with China. Imagine 
Japan and Great Britain attempting to terrorize 
America with a battleship stuck in the mud, three 
coal barges, a machine shop and four fishing 
smacks! 



202 JAPAN AND AMERICA 

Japanese Troops in Mexico 

The Boston Sunday Globe of January 30, 1916, 
stated: "There are 30,000 Japanese in Mexico organ- 
ized and ready to fight at a moment's notice." In 
the Forum of the following July, Sigmund Henschen 
with more elastic imagination remarks: "The latest 
estimates of our military authorities show one- 
quarter of a million Japs in Mexico." What was the 
fact? There were in Mexico 2,737 hard-working 
Japanese, including 165 women. Less than 200 had 
received military training. 

If evidence is further needed, George Kennan has 
collected twenty-two similar stories and Mr. Kawa- 
kami six more. 

What has been the source of this wild propaganda? 
That Teutonic agents were behind much of it in a 
deliberate attempt to weaken their opponents by 
embroiling our two countries, is now generally 
believed. 

Just before we declared war upon Germany our 
efficient secret service secured possession of the fa- 
mous Zimmerman note. In this the German foreign 
secretary proposed a joint Mexican-Japanese attack 
upon the United States, and promised Mexico her 
old provinces in our southwest as a reward. This was 
suggested while we were still on friendly terms with 
Germany. Since the German political representa- 
tives went home the anti-Japanese story factory 
seems to have decreased production. The Ishii-Lan- 
sing agreement also put a quietus on the whole move- 



UTTERANCES OF PUBLIC MEN 203 

ment. For the text of this agreement see the Appen- 
dix to this chapter. The newspaper campaign in 
Japan is not likely to end until the other friction- 
producing causes are cleared away. 

2. Utterances of American Public Men 

In 1 91 9, Senator Phelan of California, before a 
large audience where a friend of mine was present, 
referred to Japan, on that very day our ally in the 
War, as "our insulting foe." There were many 
Japanese students present. 

The Senate debate on the League of Nations 
brought out unwarranted attacks on Japan. When 
the properly constituted Peace Conference has dis- 
posed of the German rights in Shantung, only evil 
can result from heaping insults on Japan by those 
who disagree with the justice of the award. A clever 
statesmanship will at least be courteous. 

The American Legion at its organization in Minne- 
apolis passed three uncalled for resolutions aimed 
against Japan. They proposed abrogation of the 
"Gentlemen's Agreement" and strict exclusion of 
Japanese immigrants; the barring forever from 
American citizenship of all foreign-born Japanese; 
and a constitutional amendment forbidding citizen- 
ship to children of parents one or both of whom are 
ineligible to naturalization. A similar resolution 
was passed at Cleveland at the 1920 annual meeting. 
Such narrow "Americanism" can only aggravate 
international friction, and delay the Americanization 



204 JAPAN AND AMERICA 

of those within our gates. Happily, Japanese public 
men have almost invariably maintained their court- 
esy when speaking on international matters. 

3. The Japanese Question in California 

There are in the United States 13,515,000 foreign 
born. Of these, including all their children, 125,195 
are Japanese. {Literary Digest, Oct. 9, 1920, quoting 
statistics of the Foreign Office, Tokyo) More than 
half the Japanese are in the State of California. Here 
according to the exaggerating Mr. McClatchy of 
the Sacramento Bee, they number 109,000. {N. Y. 
Times, Nov. 20, 1920) The California Board of 
Control decreases the figure to 86,876. The United 
States Census of November, 1920, which ought to be 
the final word, finds only 70,196. In the last ten years 
while the population of the state has increased from 
2,377,549 to 3,426,861, the Japanese have increased 
from 41,357 to 70,196. Their 1.7 % of the total has 
grown to 2%, or an increase of ^/lo of one percent in 
a decade. At this rate the population of California 
will be half Japanese in 1650 years — not a very near 
disaster. But it must be acknowledged that the 
presence in one State of this group of alien people 
of different customs, habits and loyalties is a real 
problem. 

The situation was partly met in 1907 by the so- 
called "Gentlemen's Agreement" by which Japan 
consented not to allow laborers to emigrate to the 
United States. Immigration of Japanese into con- 
tinental United States promptly decreased from 



THE CALIFORNIA QUESTION 205 

30,326 in 1907 to 3,111 in 1909. From July 11, 1908, 
to June 30, 1 91 9, 79,738 entered the country and 
68,770 returned to Japan, the net increase by im- 
migration being 10,968. (Dr. Sidney L. Gulick in The 
New York Times, July 14, 1920) In addition to the 
above, an unknown number have come in from 
Hawaii. 

Although some general charges of an influx of 
laborers have been made, no concrete proof of a 
breach of the "Gentlemen's Agreement" in a single 
case has been brought forward. (Prof. Treat in 
American Review of Reviews, Jan. 1920) The 10,064 
immigrants of 191 9 were nearly all transients of a 
superior type. 

In 1906 there was a public stir over the California 
"School Question," But at the time when San Fran- 
cisco propagandists were raving over the evil influence 
on America's future citizens of immoral Japanese 
pupils, there were in the public schools of that city 
ninety-two Japanese children. Even these were 
scattered among twenty different schools. Visitors 
found them well behaved and studious. 

Much has been written of the "picture brides." 
We have seen these Japanese young women crowding 
the third class on the steamers from Japan. They 
are the result of marriages arranged by correspond- 
ence and go-betweens. Their stability, says Prof. 
Ichihashi of Leland Stanford, is very nearly one hun- 
dred per cent. Before a man is allowed to send for a 
bride he must get the approval of one of the Japan 
Societies which exist in large numbers on the Coast. 



2o6 JAPAN AND AMERICA 

Only men of decent character who are above the 
class of day laborers are permitted to make these 
marriages. Occasionally an educated girl of good 
family is allured by what seems to her the wealth of 
her prospective groom. He has a little farm, a store, 
a bank account and perhaps a Ford — all signs of 
affluence in Japan. But when she marries she finds 
herself attached, to be sure, to the bank account and 
the flivver, but also to a man who proves to be a 
rough, uncouth mate. Months of hard adaptation 
follow. But the result, says Prof. Ichihashi, is usu- 
ally the remaking of the man. Proud and happy in 
his new home, he yields to the influence of his treas- 
ured wife, new furniture is bought, the gramaphone 
plays, new clothes appear, and refinement wins. 
From 191 2-1 91 8 the number of such brides arriving 
in San Francisco has averaged 658 per year. But 
because of the anti-Japanese outburst in 191 9 the 
Japanese government decided to stop giving pass- 
ports to these girls. Prospective grooms will in future 
be obliged to cross the sea to claim their mates. 

The handling of the land question in California 
has caused serious offense to the Japanese. In Janu- 
ary, 1 9 13, forty-anti-Japanese bills were introduced 
into the California legislature. These produced a 
fever of excitement in Japan. In the following May 
the Heney-Webb land bill was passed. This pro- 
vides that aliens ineligible for citizenship cannot buy 
land and may only lease land for agricultural pur- 
poses for a term not to exceed three years. It was 
a great blow to Japanese farmers who in 191 9 pro- 



THE CALIFORNIA QUESTION 207 

duced on the west coast crops valued at 153,000,000. 
The Referendum Measure which passed on Novem- 
ber 2, 1920, by a majority of nearly three to one 
again seems to all Japanese a piece of grave injustice. 
This new law contains three main provisions: 

(i) It stops further leasing of land to persons 
ineligible to citizenship. 

(2) It deprives Japanese parents of the guardian- 
ship of a child in whose name agricultural property 
is held. An American guardian must be appointed. 

(3) Aliens ineligible to citizenship are forbidden 
to purchase stock in a company entitled to own 
agricultural land. 

Land in California actually cultivated by Japanese 
in 191 9 was as follows: 

Ownership acreage 74j769 

Tenant acreage 383,287 

Total 458,056 

In a State of 99,000,000 acres the 74,000 owned by 
the Japanese is relatively small. (Report of the 
State Board of Control, June, 1920) One writer 
estimates that at the rate they are acquiring real 
estate, the Japanese will own the whole State in 
84,450 years. (Prof. Treat in American Review of 
Reviews y January 1920) 

The land legislation was unjust, impolitic and 
unnecessary. Our treaty signed with Japan in Feb- 
ruary, 191 1, stipulates: "The subjects or citizens of 
each of the High Contracting Parties shall receive 



2o8 JAPAN AND AMERICA 

in the territories of the other the most constant pro- 
tection and security for their persons and property, 
and shall enjoy in this respect the same rights and 
privileges as are or may be granted to native subjects 
or citizens." Whether the California Land Laws of 
1 913 and 1920, which prevent the Japanese from 
purchasing, inheriting or leasing land, are technically 
a treaty violation or not, their spirit is entirely con- 
trary to the agreement. The Japanese rightly be- 
lieve they have not had a fair deal. 

In the decline of white births in his state from 98% 
of the total in 1906 to 90.6% of the total in 191 7, and 
in the increase of Japanese babies from 134 to 4,108 
in the same period. Senator Phelan thinks he sees a 
prophecy of the near Japanization of the West Coast. 
{North American Review^ September 1919) Some 
fearful Californian has even figured that if the present 
high birth rate among the Japanese keeps up there 
will be in 1963 a total Japanese population in the 
United States of 2,000,000; in 2003, 10,000,000; in 
2063, 100,000,000. If this prophet were a historian 
he would know that a little more than a hundred 
years ago the birth rate of those Americans who are 
now scarcely reproducing themselves was such that 
had those families of twelve and fifteen children been 
maintained the population of America would now 
equal the total for the whole globe. The birth rate 
fear is born of ignorance. 

Proposals have been made to amend the Federal 
Constitution providing that no child born of parents 
ineligible to citizenship shall be considered an Amer- 



THE CALIFORNIA QUESTION 209 

ican citizen. It has been even seriously proposed to 
deport all Japanese residents of this country without 
regard to their charater or conduct. The shame of 
such a suggestion burns deep when it is known that 
our court records are practically free from Japanese 
names. They are an industrious, frugal, self-respect- 
ing, law-abiding people. 

In refusing in 191 9 to call a special session of the 
State Legislature to deal with the Japanese problems, 
Governor Stephens of California wisely said: "No 
one disputes the sovereign right of this State to enact 
all domestic legislation which its welfare dictates. 
At the same time, in this crisis, when the passions 
of all peoples are almost at the breaking point, it 
would be folly to intensify our national difficulties. 
In a calmer time, when these questions shall have 
been disposed of, when we ourselves shall be equipped 
with definite information and can act wisely, the 
problem of the Japanese in our California life is one 
that should yield readily to the legislative genius of 
our people." 

The problem is not met by heaping indignities 
upon the Japanese who are here. While carrying on 
a nation-wide campaign of Americanization on the 
one hand, on the other proposals are made to shut 
out the people within our gates from the possibility 
of becoming Americans. Loudly acclaiming that 
Japanese are not assimilible, and then making laws 
to segregate their children in schools, to prevent them 
from being naturalized, and to keep them from ac- 
cumulating property is not good American sense. 



210 JAPAN AND AMERICA 

Why not study the influence of Japanese children 
in the schools, the conduct of the present citizens of 
Japan extraction and the real conditions in the fifty 
homes of mixed marriage? The genuine investiga- 
tions thus far made by Dr. Sidney L. Gulick and 
others favor efforts to assimilate the Japanese already 
here and the making of laws admitting each year a 
few Japanese, say a number equal to five per cent of 
those who have already become citizens. Some plan 
like this would, we believe, solve the real problem 
here and remove all cause of offence in Japan. 

Mention should be made of the Japanese in Hawaii. 
They number 106,000 of the population of 256,000. 
While the birthrate for the territory is 36.7 per 1,000, 
the Japanese is 42.8 per 1,000. As the total of the 
Caucasian races is only 42,000, the Japanese born 
citizens seem likely to control the political destinies 
of the Islands. 

Professor Treat, referring to the problem in Hawaii 
and on the mainland, adds: "There is only one way 
out. While restricting immigration in a polite and 
seemly way we should do everything possible to make 
the Orientals in this country and in Hawaii loyal 
American citizens. If history teaches us anything, 
it should help us to avoid the creation of a Poland or 
Alsace or a Korea within our limits." 

When in 1 91 5 I was crossing the Pacific on a Japa- 
nese boat from Seattle there was a burial at sea. An 
old Japanese laborer had taken passage, hoping to 
spend his declining years in the homeland. But 
tuberculosis claimed him. As we lowered into the 



AMERICAN OPPOSITION 211 

sea that flag-enshrouded casket, I wondered what 
comforts that toil worn body had contributed to the 
people of my native land. It is these rough laborers 
from south Japan who have done much of the hard 
work in our West. Now that Japan has done her 
part to stop the inflow of excessive numbers let us 
show our gratitude to those who remain, not by 
condemning their ignorance but by molding their 
character into that of true Americans. 

Prince Yamagata, one of the Elder Statesmen of 
Japan, remarked to Gregory Mason: "Of course 
we can say nothing which concerns the sovereign 
rights of another nation to its territory, but it seems 
to me strange that a country such as yours, which sets 
great store by the principles of humanity and equality 
of human rights, should vary its treatment of aliens 
according to races." {The Outlook, Sept. 3, 1919) 

4. American Opposition to Japan's Policies 

Japanese-American diplomacy has always been 
conducted in a courteous, amicable manner. 

Elihu Root, in an after dinner speech in honor of 
Viscount Ishii said: "For many years I was very 
familiar with our own department of Foreign Affairs. 
During all that period there never was a moment 
when the Government of Japan was not frank, sin- 
cere, friendly and most solicitous not to enlarge but 
to minimize and do away with all causes of contro- 
versy. ... I wish for no better, no more frank and 
friendly intercourse between my country and any 



212 JAPAN AND AMERICA 

other country than the intercourse by which Japan 
in those years illustrated the best qualities of the new 
diplomacy." (Dr. Treat, A League oj Nations ^ p. 441, 

442) 

Ambassador Roland S. Morris on his arrival in 
Boston on June i, 1920, remarked: "The relation- 
ships between Japan and this country are most cor- 
dial. In fact, never has there been such a fine and 
friendly feeling between the nations." {Philadelphia 
Evening Ledger^ June i, 1920) 

Nevertheless, Japan's fear that in America she has 
a real hindrance to her policies on the Asiatic main- 
land is well grounded. This cannot be smothered in 
after-dinner speeches. The situation should not be 
side-stepped. The unselfish policies as enunciated 
by President Wilson are contrary to the policies of 
a large group in Japan today. A great majority of 
the Japanese still doubt whether they are the real 
American policies. 

There have been, we must acknowledge, abundant 
grounds for their suspicion of the genuine altruism 
of the American people. Our failure, following the 
War, to act promptly on behalf of Armenia and the 
unsettled areas in Europe, the inaction at Washington 
and the utter provincialism of many prominent legis- 
lators, the oft-recurring proposals for anti-Oriental 
legislation and the confusion of our policies in Siberia 
have been hard to understand. Japanese fear, too, lest 
the vast commercial interests of the United States, 
by foul means if necessary, may crowd their com- 
merce from its fair development in China and other 



WILL THERE BE WAR? 213 

parts of Asia. They may well ask why we oppose 
their country in doing to China in the twentieth cen- 
tury what we did to Mexico in the nineteenth, and 
what some European nations are still doing. An 
American recently back from the East jocosely 
answers this question: "For decades Japan watched 
the European nations at their poker games. Finally, 
when she got up her courage to go in and play too, 
the others all said, 'Let's play parchesi.'" 

Will there ever be war with Japan ? For the pres- 
ent. No! The two million soldiers in Europe, the 
sight of vast ship yards, munition plants and the 
movement of war supplies on an incredible scale have 
resulted in a greatly enhanced respect tinged with 
fear for America. A week before the armistice I was 
chatting with a bright Japanese Colonel on a station 
platform in the heart of Siberia. 

"How many American soldiers are in France?" 
he asked. 

I returned the question: "How many do you 
think?" 

"About 700,000, I suppose." 

There were actually three times his estimate. 

This story I told to a young Japanese interpreter 
some weeks later as illustrative of the surprise that 
must have come over Japanese military men when 
they knew the facts. My friend laughed as he said: 

"The colonel didn't really believe there were 700,- 
000 Americans in France. He put the number high 
just to flatter you. Our officers at the time, I used 
to hear them discussing it, believed that America 



214 APPENDIX 

had sent across 350,000 men, and that the big figures 
given out were for German consumption. When 
they came to know the truth, they were simply 
amazed." 

Huge military equipment will never, however, 
create good relations between Japan and America. 
The two countries can be brought into full harmony 
only by cooperation and by friendship. The con- 
sortium in China and the League of Nations will 
develop international federated effort. A continuous 
interchange of friendly visitors will promote that 
personal intimacy which will enable the influential 
people of each country to meet each other and freely 
exchange opinions. Not at big state dinners but in 
informal interviews and before small groups where 
no press publicity will be given, Japanese are glad to 
converse with great frankness. With them public 
criticism cuts to the quick, but private suggestion 
is always welcome. In growing friendships between 
Americans and Japanese we shall find the one safe 
solution of all our problems. 

Appendix to Chapter X 

A. Ishii-Lansing Agreement of November 2, 191 7 
Secretary Lansing to Viscount Ishii: 

Department of State 
Washington, November 2, 191 7 
Excellency: 

I have the honor to communicate herein my under- 
standing of the agreement reached by us in our recent 



ISHII-LANSING AGREEMENT 215 

conversations touching the questions of mutual inter- 
est to our Governments relating to the Republic of 
China. 

In order to silence mischievous reports that have 
from time to time been circulated, it is believed by 
us that a public announcement once more of the 
desires and intentions shared by our two Govern- 
ments with regard to China is advisable. 

The Governments of the United States and Japan 
recognize that territorial propinquity creates special 
relations between countries, and, consequently, the 
Government of the United States recognizes that 
Japan has special interests in China, particularly 
in the part to which her possessions are contiguous. 

The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, 
remains unimpaired, and the Government of the 
United States has every confidence in the repeated 
assurance of the Imperial Japanese Government 
that, while geographical position gives Japan such 
special interests, they have no desire to discriminate 
against the trade of other nations or to disregard the 
commercial rights heretofore granted by China in 
treaties with other powers. 

The Governments of the United States and Japan 
deny that they have any purpose to infringe in any 
way the independence or territorial integrity of China 
and they declare, furthermore, that they always ad- 
here to the principle of the so-called "open door," or 
equal opportunity for commerce and industry in 
China. 

Moreover, they mutually declare that they are 



2i6 APPENDIX 

opposed to the acquisition by any government of any 
special rights or privileges that would affect the in- 
dependence or territorial integrity of China or that 
would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country 
the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in the com- 
merce and industry of China. 

I shall be glad to have Your Excellency confirm 
this understanding of the agreement reached by us. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my 
highest consideration. 

(Signed) Robert Lansing 

His Excellency Viscount Kikujiro Ishii, Ambassa- 
dor Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Japan, 
on Special Mission. 

B. Letter from Premier Hara 

Official Residence of the Premier 
Kojimachiku, Tokyo 

May 29, 1919 
My dear Mr. Gleason: 

It gave me great pleasure to see you here the other 
day, and hear of the efforts you made ever since your 
arrival in this country in fostering the amicable rela- 
tion between your country and my own, as well as 
of the impressions produced upon you during your 
recent journey through Siberia and Korea. It is not 
an easy task for a stranger to engage upon any work 
in a strange land, not to speak of the difficulty in 
acquiring the language, yet with singleness of purpose 
and ceaseless devotion to the cause you have es- 



PREMIER HARA'S LETTER 217 

poused, you have achieved considerable success in 
giving effect to the noble end you had in view, and 
now on the eve of your departure for your homeland 
after nearly twenty years stay in our midst, you may 
with pride look upon the fruits of your onerous, yet 
successful work, which, I assure you, will go a long 
way towards consolidating the bond of amity and 
good will now uniting our two countries. 

Being always pleased to see anything done towards 
bringing about better understanding between Amer- 
ica and Japan, I am happy to convey to you hereby 
the expression of my deep appreciation of the single- 
minded efforts you have thus put forward in the 
interest of our two countries. 

I Am 

Yours truly, 

(Signed) Hara 
Mr. George Gleason 
Honorary Secretary of the YMCA. 
Osaka 



Chapter XI 
THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

"The present and all that it holds belongs to the nations 
and the peoples who preserve their self-control and the orderly 
processes of their governments; the future to those who prove 
themselves true friends of mankind." — President Wilson 

The secrets of the future have their roots in the 
past. Can we find in history a key to unlock the 
doors of future Japan? The Imperial Rescript, the 
Magna Carta of the Japanese Empire, promulgated 
by the sixteen year-old Emperor at his Restoration 
to power in 1868, gives the hint we seek: 

1. An Assembly widely convoked shall be estab- 
lished, and all affairs of State decided by impartial 
discussion. 

2. All administrative matters of State shall be 
conducted by the cooperative efforts of the governing 
and the governed. 

3. All the people shall be given opportunity to 
satisfy their legitimate desires. 

4. All absurd usages shall be abandoned, and 
justice and righteousness shall regulate all actions. 

5. Knowledge and learning shall be sought for 
all over the world, and thus the foundations of the 
imperial polity be greatly strengthened. 

For fifty-two years these Five Articles have steered 
the Ship of State. True to Article One, the Constitu- 

218 



KEY TO THE FUTURE 219 

tion, after twenty-one years of study, was finally 
adopted in 1889, and the Diet convened in the fol- 
lowing year. For thirty years, it must be admitted, 
this Parliament has been little more than a debating 
society where the Government's policies were "dis- 
cussed." The "Government" was the little group 
of Elder Statesmen like Saigo, Okubo, I to, Matsu- 
kata, Yamagata, Inoue, Okuma, Katsura, and Tera- 
uchi, who made every important decision. Mean- 
while the younger generation was getting its training. 
How marvelously successful this policy! Instead 
of the abrupt change from autocracy to pure democ- 
racy, which we have seen so disastrously attempted 
in the empires of the Manchus and the Czar, Japan 
has made a gradual evolution. From the dictator- 
ship of the Shogun she has passed through the rule 
of a little group of oligarchs, until now she is emerg- 
ing through the Hara regime of semi-democracy into 
the real rule of the people. A party leader as premier, 
the extension of the franchise in March, 1919, the 
vigorous demand for universal male suffrage in the 
spring of 1920, the evident desire of the government 
to give power to the people as fast as they are edu- 
cated to its use, all point along the democratic road. 
From the rule of the one through the rule of a group 
to the rule of all; for this her compulsory universal 
education has well prepared Japan. What nation 
has made such progress with so little anguish and 
friction ? 

Will the people be satisfied with this slow advance? 
It is conceivable that a dramatic change may suddenly 



220 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

take place and the genuine authority of the people 
in political matters be established. The movement 
will, however, probably be gradual. Power will be 
fought for and through the conflict for possession 
there will be developed the capacity for use, which 
could not be gained in any other way. 

Of the "absurd usages" mentioned in Charter 
Article Four many doubtless still remain. But the 
experiences on returning home of every one who has 
visited long in Japan is the same. Dear old America 
and England have their absurd usages too. Japan 
by comparison is not so bad. 

"Knowledge and learning shall be sought for all 
over the world." Witness the stream of students 
which for forty years has flowed to every civilized 
land, and the foreign magazines and books which 
flood the stores. If "blessed are the poor in spirit" 
means that prosperity comes to open minds, Japan 
is fulfilling the prophecies of Holy Writ. 

If anyone is apprehensive about the future of Japan 
he should bear in mind these three points growing 
out of the Five Promises of the young Meiji Tenno: 
Democracy is still evolving, foolish customs are being 
abolished, and the acquisitiveness of the nation 
makes Japan always open to molding influences from 
abroad. These are the keys of the future. Let us 
study some details: 

I. Economic 

"From earth to heaven at one bound" was the 
heading in a Japanese newspaper describing the 



ECONOMIC 221 

marriage of a merchant's widow to the President of 
the United States. This paragraph might receive 
the same title. From poverty to wealth during four 
years — this is the economic story of Japan. Finan- 
cial flurries like that of the spring of 1920 will 
occur, but they will only temper the economic 
advance. 

Only a few years ago Japanese writers were sadly 
mourning their country's plight. The great national 
debt of a thousand million dollars was mounting and 
the crowding population gaining at the rate of over 
700,000 a year. Australia, New Zealand, South 
Africa, Canada, and America were closed to emi- 
grants. Only seventeen per cent of the mountainous 
islands are under cultivation. None of the soil is rich 
sea bottoms like that of China or America, but sandy 
products of old shales and granites requiring the most 
intense and persistent fertilizing. Three hundred and 
fifty-seven persons to the square mile, while in fertile 
California there were only twenty. A national wealth 
of thirty billion dollars, while at that time England's 
was eighty and America's one hundred and eighty- 
seven. Six years ago through excess of imports and 
payment of interest on foreign loans the Empire was 
running in debt during prosperous peace times at 
the rate of Yi 80,000,000 a year. Only an excess of 
exports could save the country from bankruptcy. 
Redemption has finally come. The War, while lead- 
ing the West to bankruptcy has freed Japan. Her 
excess of exports in the four years 1915-1918 was 
Yen 1,408,068,000. This does not include the sale 



222 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

of government munitions, the figures of which some 
place even higher than the above. All her foreign 
loans can now be met. 

National Foreign Debt, Dec. 31, 1917. . . .¥1,370,207,000 

(Japan Year Book) 
Municipal Debts, March, 1916 191,359,000 

{Japan Year Book, 1919, p. 624) 
Company Debts, 1912 151,250,000 

{Japan Mail, May 4, 191 2) 

¥1,712,816,000 

In July, 191 8, Japan's credit account abroad was 
¥1,500,000,000 {Japan Year Book, 1918, p. 618), or 
almost enough to liquidate her whole foreign obliga- 
tions. If we add to these foreign credits the Y285,- 
190,000 increase in gold at home made up to the end 
of November, 191 8, we find more than enough to 
clean the whole account. {Japan Advertiser, Dec. 29, 
191 8) Furthermore, total gold holdings of the Em- 
pire on January, 1920, were ¥1,950,000,000 or suffi- 
cient to pay all foreign bills and still leave ¥250,000,- 
000 in the banks. 

Japan during the War has approximately doubled 
her manufacturing capacity, paid for the factory 
machinery, and, as shown above, has gold collateral 
for all her outside debts. Is it to be wondered at 
that her bankers and merchants look with confidence 
to the future? 

Remembering that Japan has more than enough 
to pay her creditors, compare her finances with the 
debts in the West: 



FINANCE 223 

Italy $10,359,275,000 

Austria-Hungary... 25,731,619,000 

United States 26,194,997,000 

France 34,842,993,000 

United Kingdom. . . 37,769,000,000 

Germany 40,000,000,000 

Japan 1,233,859,000 (foreign and 

domestic) 
{World Almanac) 

Where can one now find a sounder national fi- 
nance ? 

(i) Foreign Trade 

Total Imports and Exports 

1890 Yen 138,332,000 

1900 491,691,000 

1905 810,057,000 

1910 922,622,000 

1913 (before the War),. 1,361,891,000 

1916 1,883,896,000 

1917 2,638,816,000 

1918 3,630,244,000 

1919 4,271,000,000 

Noticing the steady pre-War growth, amounting 
to an increase of ten times in the twenty-three years 
1890-1913 and remembering Japan's nearness to the 
huge markets of the Asiatic mainland, the Vice- 
President of the Federal Export Corporation of New 
York may well say: "Japan, commercially, hasn't 
even started yet." (Quoted in Japan Advertiser, 
March 10, 191 8) 



224 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

(2) Growth of Steamship Companies 

July, 1914 Sept., 1919 

Nippon Yusen Kaisha 251,900 tons 418,000 tons 

Osaka Shosen Kaisha 50,000 " 218,000 " 

Toyo Kisen Kaisha 72,000 " 96,000 

The total tonnage of Japanese steam and sailing vessels 
In 1903 was less than 1,000,000 
In 1914 2,090,269 

In 1920 nearly 3,000,000 

Compared with the merchant marine of 46 ships and 
17,494 tons in 1871 this is truly a remarkable growth. 
Twenty-five years ago the tonnage entering and 
leaving Japanese ports was 2,000,000. In I9i5> it 
was 27,000,000. 

(3) Postal Savings 

March, IQ15 Dec, 1918 Dec, 1919 May, 1920 
Deposits... ¥191,504,182 ¥554,984,729 ¥689,245,991 ¥749,875,390 
Depositors. 11,978,864 19,238,395 21,957,659 23,011,788 

In the Post Office Bank alone depositors doubled 
and deposits quadrupled in five years. This speaks 
distinctly of the prosperity among the common 
people. 

(4) Railroads 

Government railways control 6,040 miles and 
private roads 1,820. This total of 7,860 compared 
with the 266,381 in the United States seems small. 
But by contrast with China's 6,467 miles among a 
population seven times as great, Japan is well to 
the front. The crowded condition of trains can be 



TRANSPORTATION AND FINANCE 225 

imagined from the 100% increase since 19 14 in the 
passenger traffic. Fares have been doubled. {Japan 
Chronicle y Feb. 5, 1920) Improvements are con- 
stantly being made. Where traffic is heaviest four 
tracks are already laid and plans for six have been 
announced. 

(5) Banks and Insurance 

There were in 1916, 2,143 banks with 3,731 
branches. The deposits amounted to Yen 3,816,- 
476,000. {Japan Year Book, 191 8) In my city, 
Osaka, the banking business grew in four years as 
follows: 

1914 1918 

No. banks and branches 107 158 

Paid-up capital ¥49,113,862 ¥115,692,500 

Deposits ¥232,705,750 ¥1,323,102,790 

Loans ¥315,891,280 ¥1,148,616,289 

Bills of Exchange ¥3,001,303,055 ¥17,800,399,540 

A gain of 400 or 500 per cent! 

In 1 917 the insurance companies numbered 40 Life, 
22 Fire, 17 Marine, 17 others. The life insurance 
companies carried 1,849,000 policies valued at Yi,- 
130,346,000; while the fire companies' policies num- 
bered 1,109,000 with a face value of ¥1,808,753,000. 

(6) Conclusion 

Pre-War estimates of Japan's economic status 
are already hopelessly antiquated. In one of the 
most scholarly recent books {Contemporary Politics 



226 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

in the Far East, p, 174), Stanley K. Hornbeck esti- 
mated in January, 191 6, that the national debt of 
Japan weighed upon her citizens eight times as heav- 
ily as that in the United States. While the per capita 
wealth of Japan it^S^) was only one fourth that of 
the United States ($i525),the debt per capita in the 
former country ($20) was twice that of the latter 
(|io). But notice the change. While the debt of 
the United States has in five years increased twenty- 
six times, Japan's has actually decreased. The tables 
are entirely reversed. 

Although the cost of living in the Island Empire 
has risen nearly 200 per cent, and the price of rice, 
the staple food, more than trebled, wages in most 
cases have met the advance. 

With figures like these before us, often rising into 
the billions, with her forests of smoking chimneys, 
with her steamers plying every sea, with her great 
firms reaching out for raw products and trade in 
every land, and with two-thirds of the undeveloped 
resources of the earth in the lands bordering the ocean 
in which her islands lie, an economic place in the sun 
is assured for Japan. 

2. Social 

In the report prepared in the summer of 191 8 for 
the Federated Missions Conference at Karuizawa, 
the opening paragraph reads: 

"The convincing facts regarding social conditions 
in Japan today must rouse decision to meet these 
vast problems with new methods and a new zeal. 



SOCIAL 227 

The doubling of factories in the last four years, with 
their army of laborers, the tens of thousands of 
morally ill-prepared young women thrust out into 
commercial and industrial life, and the confessed 
irreligion of the industrial workers of the nation is 
the first appeal. The destitute families, 30,700 in 
Tokyo alone; growing out of this destitution the 
slavery of little girls; the 81,000 persons who die 
yearly from preventable tuberculosis; the 56,000 
languishing in prisons, and the 1,200,000 Eta bring 
another group of appeals. Finally, the growth in 
the consumption of alcohol, which in two years in- 
creased twice as much as in the previous eight, and 
the vast army of nearly 100,000 publicly licensed 
prostitutes and geisha for whose degrading service 
the nation is paying ¥54,500,000 a year, make us 
question whither we are tending. For every even 
nominal Christian in our churches the government 
has licensed one active woman of evil influence to 
tear down what we are building up." 

(i) Labor 

Industrially, Japan is rushing pell mell into the 
same social maze from which England and America 
are trying to extricate themselves. In thirty years, 
factory laborers have increased from 25,000 to 2,500,- 
000. The country has been changed from an agrarian 
to an industrial State. The demands of the urban 
factories have been such that even three years ago 
an Osaka paper printed a cartoon of a foreman 
standing on a hill overlooking all Japan shouting 



228 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

through his megaphone: "To Osaka, to Osaka!" 
Men and women have been attracted by the thou- 
sands, even from Korea. The man consumption of 
the big industrial plants, by absorbing surplus popu- 
lation, has temporarily if not permanently silenced 
the plea for territorial expansion. 

The long hours of labor, regularly eleven in cotton 
mills and fourteen and even sixteen in the silk mills, 
the low wages, the lack of care of employees, have de- 
veloped a restlessness which has broken out in strikes 
and sabotage. As Government and industrial leaders 
have poured abroad since the signing of the Armis- 
tice, the solution of the problem will doubtless be 
similar to that worked out in Europe and America. 

Why a paternal government like Japan should 
wait for the evils of child labor, woman's labor, long 
hours, unsanitary factories, congested houses and 
slums to show themselves has been a puzzling ques- 
tion. But this seeming lack of foresight is plainly 
due to the conviction that the people can be sacrificed 
for the nation. The government late in the last cen- 
tury looked out upon the world and saw the necessity 
of gaining material wealth. Hence the seeming dis- 
regard of the exploitation of labor. Subsidies have 
been given to the great shipping companies, and 
favors shown to cotton mills and such industrial and 
commercial houses as Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Kuhara, 
Okura, and Sumitomo. Now Japan is a creditor 
nation and the surplus population has been cared 
for, the Government is turning its attention to the 
welfare of the working man. 



SOCIAL 229 

"Will there be a revolution?" is a question fre- 
quently asked. Professor Dewey replies: "My own 
confidence in the resilience, adaptability, and prac- 
tical intelligence of the Japanese people, as well as 
in a kind of social democracy which is embodied in 
their manners and customs, makes me think the 
change will come without a bloody and catastrophic 
upheaval." {The Dialy Nov. i, 191 9) 

(2) Prostitution 

Prostitution is the great blot on Japanese morals. 
The fact of 50,000 licensed prostitutes (not including 
geisha) in the segregated districts of the Empire, 
the fact of one licensed prostitute to every 259 male 
residents in Tokyo, to every 130 in Osaka, and to 
every 47 at Yamada, the seat of the Ise Shinto Shrine, 
shows how deeply intrenched this vice is. Hardly a 
city on the Asiatic Coast of the Pacific has escaped 
the invasion of the procurers of these poor semi-slave 
girls. It is estimated that 26,360 Japanese women 
are living as prostitutes outside their own land. 
(Brown: Mastery of the Pacific y p. 381) 

Three times in Osaka and once in Tokyo an organ- 
ized fight against the "system" has been made and 
the developing popular opinion will ere long, we be- 
lieve, forever end government-allowed prostitution. 

(3) Charity and Relief 

The Red Cross claims a membership of 1,758,051. 
It spent in 191 6 three million yen and owns property 
valued at ¥34,305,000. Including hospitals, orphan- 



230 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

ages, nurseries, reform homes, and various relief 
institutions, there are nearly 700 charity organiza- 
tions in the Empire. In 19 14, the government recog- 
nized the worth of 117 charitable institutions by 
granting a small amount of State aid. The whole 
movement for social service has been greatly influ- 
enced by the work of missionaries. 

(4) The Woman ^estion 

A cultured Japanese woman is one of the finest 
representatives of her sex. Lafcadio Hearn would 
tell us that she is the product of many centuries of 
oppression. The jump from the teaching of the 
Japanese moralist Kaibara (1630-1714) to the present 
is a wide one. In The Greater Learning for Women^ 
he sums up the womanly and wifely virtues as fol- 
lows: "It is the chief duty of a girl living in the 
parental house to practice filial piety toward her 
mother and father, but after marriage her chief duty 
is to honor her father-in-law and mother-in-law, to 
honor them beyond her own father and mother, to 
love and reverence them with all ardor, and to tend 
them with every practice of filial piety. . . . She 
must look to her husband as her lord, and must serve 
him with all worship and reverence, not despising 
or thinking lightly of him. The great life-long duty 
of a woman is obedience." 

Under the old Japanese law a woman could not 
herself demand a divorce, become head of a house, 
hold property, contract in her own name, or even 
become the guardian of her own child. But under 



SOCIAL 231 

the new civil code, a married woman may hold prop- 
erty in her own name, and she may seek a divorce 
from her husband for bigamy, adultery, or such 
treatment as makes living together unbearable, and 
for various other causes. 

Young couples are breaking away from the old 
homes and where they can afford it setting up their 
own establishments. Many parents even seek to 
marry their daughters not to the influential eldest 
son of another family where the duties will be onerous 
and the life bound by custom but to the younger 
sons, deliberately sacrificing social standing to greater 
freedom for individual development. 

Only a few years ago the first successful breach of 
promise suit was won by a woman. Married in April, 
191 1, Miss Hide Nogawa was divorced the very next 
month "owing to some estrangement between her 
husband and the go-between for the marriage." After 
dragging the suit through three courts she finally 
obtained damages for Y2o,ooo, "the court thus 
setting a precedent for similar cases in the future." 

In 1917 The Yomiuri newspaper in Tokyo pub- 
lished a brochure describing no less than sixty-five 
different occupations in which women were engaged. 
Besides the million female operatives in factories 
(the official figure for 191 6 was 636,699 — Japan 
Year Book^ 191 8, p. 303), the Tokyo daily found 
4,000 working for the Government Railway and 
6,000 in the Tobacco Monopoly Bureau. Women 
are working in the banks, at the telephones, in the 
retail stores, and at the typewriter. Women journal- 



232 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

ists, women novelists, and women doctors and social 
workers are rapidly increasing. 

Add to the above the westernizing process going 
on among the men, the elevating influence of Christ- 
ianity, and the reports of the extension of women's 
suffrage in Europe and America, and it becomes 
plain that emancipation of women in Japan is not 
far away. The rise of women to equality with men 
while slower than in the West is now in sight. 

3. Education 

The Diet of 191 9 voted ¥44,000,000 for new col- 
leges and professional schools. The Emperor added 
Yi 0,000,000 more, and it is expected that localities 
will contribute Y2o,ooo,ooo, making a new fund of 
Y74,ooo,ooo all for higher education for men. Thus 
Japan lays the foundation for an intelligent future. 

Government reports state that in 191 6 of the 
children legally under obligation to go to school, 
99% of the boys and 98% of the girls were actually 
in attendance. Universal education of elementary 
grade is achieved in Japan. 

In the same year, 8,540,000 pupils were enrolled 
in the schools and colleges. Of these 7,450,000 were 
in the elementary grades. Of the remaining million, 
the secondary schools claimed 250,000; the technical 
high schools and colleges more than 500,000; while 
the balance were in the public and private univer- 
sities and miscellaneous schools. 

A comparison with America shows that while our 



EDUCATION 233 

population is only double that of Japan, our schools 
enroll 23,854,890. Of these 20,560,701 are in elemen- 
tary grades, and 1,611,196 in secondary schools. We 
seem to have less in the technical high schools and 
many times more in colleges and universities. 

While even in the remote country districts of Japan 
there are elementry schools sufficient to accommo- 
date all scholars, and every family is watched to see 
that the children enter and finish the required six 
years, the secondary schools, colleges and universi- 
ties are far too few. In the country as a whole, of 
applicants to secondary schools forty per cent are 
rejected for lack of accommodation. To some of 
the best government schools of this grade the appli- 
cants are eight or even ten times the number that can 
matriculate. In 191 5, of those who applied to the 
eight university fitting schools (the so-called "Higher 
Schools") only 21.73% were admitted. For the 
Tokyo school those who passed the stiff examinations 
were only 15.57%. This of course means that a 
student who gets by the three entrance examinations 
of the secondary and higher schools and the univer- 
sity is a selected man. It is not surprising, there- 
fore, that the graduates of the Imperial Universities 
rise to positions of national leadership. The four 
Imperial Universities in 191 6 graduated 2,402 Mas- 
ters of Art or scholars of similar grade. 

Critics of Japan's schools say that they are theo- 
retical, and do not prepare for life. Until a year or 
two ago even in the higher schools, political discus- 
sions were taboo and attendance of students in their 



234 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

uniform at political meetings was forbidden. John 
Dewey stigmatizes the lower grades as "the most 
incredibly reactionary system of primary education 
the world has ever known." {The Dial, Oct. 4, 1919) 
The system is one for all Japan. Children are fed 
into the machine, ground through the unbending cur- 
riculum and turned out with little opportunity for 
individual variation. Experiments, even in private 
schools, have been largely suppressed. 

In a recent backward looking report by the Special 
Committee on Education appointed by the govern- 
ment, we find the key to a conservative future. (A 
summary can be found in the Appendix to this chap- 
ter.) To appreciate its real significance, one should 
read this remarkable document standing in the roar- 
ing machine shop of some Japanese technical school. 
The Island Empire is on the one hand introducing 
bodily modern science and industrialism and on the 
other hand attempting to preserve "immutable and 
unaffected" the "ideals of national organization 
and national morality." It is an impossible propo- 
sition. But the result will be, the writer believes, 
the development of a powerful modern nation, true 
to the best in itself and elective of the best from the 
other nations of the world. Call her reactionary if 
you will, criticise the unprogressive language of this 
post-War educational commission, but remember that 
in this seeming return to the past Japan is with care 
storing up for the use of the West, when we are hum- 
ble enough to turn to the East with open minds, the 
treasures of twenty-six centuries of unbroken history. 



MILITARY 23S 

4. Army and Navy 

Until the League of Nations is a going concern, un- 
til England and America take the lead in reducing 
armaments, until the nations of Europe give suffi- 
cient evidence of intention to play the international 
game by the new rules of unselfishness, sympathy and 
racial justice, Japan will strengthen her military 
power on land and sea as rapidly as her exchequer 
will stand. To her army and navy Japan owes her 
rise as a world power. When her progress on the 
mainland was threatened in 1894 by China, it was 
her military forces that saved her. They rescued her 
again from the Russian Bear in 1904-05. The vic- 
tories of Port Arthur, Mukden, and Tsushima put 
Japan on the map. Pragmatically, the mailed fist 
has worked. Japan will take no chances. Her 
army has grown from a standing force of less than 
a hundred thousand twenty years ago to over 
200,000 men. 

The Navy, which after the China War in 1898 con- 
sisted of 162,181 tons, jumped in 1905 at the close of 
the Russian War to 370,000 tons {Japan Weekly Mail, 
Jan. 20, 1906) and in 191 7 to 650,000 tons. {Japan 
Year Book 191 8 p. 419) According to newspaper 
reports naval authorities are proposing 215 new 
vessels to be built in the next seven years at a cost 
of ¥764,000,000. Of these seventy-five are to be 
submarines. In the proposed budget for 1920 of a 
total of ¥1,275,944,000, one half or ¥619,496,000 is 
recommended for the Army and Navy. 



236 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

5. Characteristics 

The celebrated Prince of Mi to had cast for the 
members of his household a number of small brass 
images of farmers in their working clothes, which, 
placed on their food trays while they ate, reminded 
them of the toil of those who provided them with 
food. 

As my wife and two children were one day walking 
up the hill from the railroad station to my house near 
Osaka, a Japanese gentleman with a large parcel 
caught up with them and asked them to stop. He 
put his bundle on the ground and took out 
presents for each of the children. He was an entire 
stranger. 

Coming home from church one Sunday six years 
ago, we rode between stations on the crowded Tokyo 
express. As the children got off the train a Japanese 
handed my youngest daughter a basket of beautiful 
apples. As I had to ride on further I spoke to the 
man and found that he was a Japanese settler in 
southern California and had been home to Okayama 
for a visit. 

At Dairen during the return of the troops from 
the Russo-Japanese War my little girl, three years 
old, was out walking with her nurse. She carried in 
her hand a small Japanese flag. A company of sight- 
seeing troopers came walking by. When the captain 
spied the little American child waving a Japanese 
flag, he halted his men, ordered them to salute and 
marched on. 



CHARACTERISTICS 237 

Dr. Nitobe says that a Japanese fee/s like a woman 
and thinks like a man. 

A Tokyo newspaper, The Yorodzu, says that the 
Peace Conference has revealed six defects In Japan's 
civilization: (i) Lack of the understanding of democ- 
racy; (2) ignorance of the value of labor; (3) doubt- 
ful capacity for colonial administration; (4) lack of 
sympathy for the causes of the war; (5) weakness 
of the spirit of racial competition; (6) lack of improve- 
ment in commercial morality. 

Dr. Hamilton Wright Mabie, on leaving Japan, 
gave as some of his permanent impressions of the 
country: (i) The extraordinary courtesy and atten- 
tion of his audiences; (2) the eagerness for informa- 
tion; (3) their intellectual curiosity; (4) mental 
alertness; (5) efficiency; and (6) devotion to the Im- 
perial Houses. 

What are the characteristics in her people which 
will influence future Japan? I should answer: (i) 
Alertness to discover the secret of all kinds of power; 
(2) sound judgment in selecting the best from all 
the world; (3) reticence, or the ability not to talk 
too much but to listen; (4) diligence, or the absolute 
lack of laziness; (5) love of nature; (6) cheerfulness 
and optimism; (7) respect for authority; and (8) 
a wonderful devotion to the welfare of the State. 
This last has almost entirely eliminated bribery in 
government affairs and kept the common people 
contentedly following the lead of the builders of the 
Empire. 



238 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

6. Religion 

Will Japan's 72,000 Buddhist temples and 120,000 
Shinto Shrines, the former served by 50,000 and the 
latter by 15,000 priests, furnish the moral leaven 
for her high speed economic development and world 
expansion? The problem has been well expressed 
by Professor John Dewey: 

"Japan is trying an impossible experiment. . . . 
While it has borrowed wholesale the entire scientific 
and industrial technique of the West, with extra- 
ordinary toughness and tenacity it has managed 
somehow to conserve the feudal and even barbaric 
morals and politics of the warrier. But no nation can 
enduringly live a double life; Japan shows every- 
where the strain of this split." (The Dial ^ Oct. 4., 19 19) 

Dr. Robert E. Speer once said: "The Japanese are 
the one Asiatic people capable of assimilating Western 
civilization and doing the same things Western nations 
have done. At the same time she has preserved her 
racial integrity and a part at least of her old manners." 

With Bushido, the Way of the Knight, which has 
made those splendid old-style Japanese gentlemen, 
with the moral code of Confucius, with the philosophy 
of the twelve Buddhist sects, and with the intense 
nationalism of Shinto, Christian evangelism must 
take account. Missionaries who wish to more than 
scratch the surface will delve into the life and spirit 
of old Japan eager to preserve what is true and uni- 
versal and determined to unite the Christian truth 
with any vital life they may find. 



RELIGION 239 

Christianity has already made a deep impress on 
the nation. Including Greek and Roman Catholics 
there are nearly a quarter of a million communicants. 
But outside the church membership there are thou- 
sands, some would say hundreds of thousands, who 
are approaching the Christian standards. Even the 
non-Christian religions are feeling the influence. 
Buddhist "YMCA's," as one society was called, 
and Buddhist Sunday Schools, prayer meetings, and 
preaching services are springing up. 

While we must admit that there are no signs of a 
mass movement towards the Christian church, every 
missionary and Japanese Christian will insist that 
some day Christ will claim Japan as His. But whether 
the process will be only by a tearing down of the old 
religions and the building of a new Christian church, 
or the slower Christianizing of the religions already 
there until centuries hence they will deliberately join 
the Christian fold, who can tell? At present both 
processes are going on. In either case let friends 
of Japan remember the words of the Master: 
"Without me ye can do nothing." 

7. World Expansion 

"No nation has the right to set up special interests 
against the interests and benefits of mankind." 

— President Wilson 

An English teacher new to Japan, wishing to start 
some interesting conversation, asked his class: 
"What is needed to make Japan great?" A student 
promptly raised his hand, and when called on re- 



240 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

plied: "Sir, Japan already is the greatest nation in 
the world." 

Lord Elgin, when leaving Japan's shores after the 
conclusion of his Treaty and one year prior to her 
opening to the world in 1859, described Japan as 
"a land with a perfectly paternal Government, a 
perfectly filial people; a community entirely self- 
supporting; peace within and without; no want; no 
ill will between classes. This is what I find in Japan 
in the year 1858 after two hundred years' exclusion 
of foreign trade and foreigners. Twenty years hence 
what will be the contrast?" (Quoted by Joseph H. 
Longford in The Nineteenth Century y July, 191 9) 

In a little more than one generation Japan has 
converted herself from an international zero into 
an acknowledged World Power. From a population 
of 33,000,000 and a territory of 136,000 square miles, 
in fifty years she has grown to 77,000,000 people 
occupying 260,738 square miles. 

In 1920 the population of Japan proper was 55,961,140 

Formosa 3,654,398 

Saghalien 105,765 

Korea 17,284,207 

Total 77,005,510 

The area of Japan Is 148,756 square miles 

Korea 84,173 

Formosa and other 

provinces 27,809 

Total 260,738 



WORLD EXPANSION 241 

Almost bankrupt at times, she now is financially 
among the strongest nations. For a time torn by- 
internal discord and ruled by a bureaucratic and 
narrow-minded aristocracy, she is evolving a strong 
centralized government on modern constitutional 
principles. Her people are fully conscious of their 
constitutional rights and expert in the most advanced 
scientific attainments of Europe. Patriotism and 
restless ambition still drive them on. Her ships roam 
every sea, her traders have their shops in every land. 
At no future international table will her seat be 
empty. From a study of the past and the present, her 
future expansion seems as sure as the rising of the sun. 
The only anxious question we need ask is: Will it be 
bloody or peaceful? There are grounds for fear. 
Military men with feverish zeal have been studying 
the causes of the rise and fall of nations. Army offi- 
cers of the General Staff have been hungrily reading 
and translating works on international politics. Too 
many books from the West have told them that the 
only road to national greatness is through military 
force. "After victory tighten the helmet strings" 
wrote one of their great heroes. This they did after 
every great war and they are doing it now. Homer 
Lea has pointed out how Japan has been intrenching 
herself in the East from the ice of the Arctic circle 
to the fiery heat of the equator. Her guns watch the 
coast of all Asia. Saghalin and Hokkaido on the 
north guard the approaches to Kamchatka and the 
rich Amur Basin. Korea, Port Arthur and Tsingtau 
control the entrances to the vast undeveloped wealth 



242 THE FUTURE OF JAPAN 

of northern China. Kyushu and Formosa look out 
on the Yangtse Valley and the approaches to Hong- 
kong and Canton; while in the Marshall and Caro- 
line Islands are the bases of power in the southern 
seas. Surely Nippon has been a worthy student of 
the old international game. 

But Japan is not a leader of world militarism. She 
is not a pioneer. She is simply an apt pupil of the 
West; and may I say the Anglo-Saxon West? To 
the British Empire and America, consciously or un- 
consciously, she looks for her cue. These two nations, 
which together number half the people of the world, 
control one-third of the land and own two-thirds of 
the wealth — to these two nations Japan looks. Let 
them clearly demonstrate that their international 
relations are to be guided not by the millions of tons 
of armored ships "of the earth, the sea, and the air," 
but by the forces of the mind and the heart, and 
Japan will stand by their side and not be a menace 
to Asia but a blessing to the world. 

But the writer would be untrue to his deepest 
convictions if he did not add that the planting of the 
spirit and teachings of Christ in the hearts of Japa- 
nese leaders is the only final guarantee of a safe 
future for Japan. Let the following chapter bear 
witness! 



EDUCATION 243 

Appendix 

Summary of the Report of the 
Government Committee on Education 

(From The Japan Advertiser^ Feb. 22, 1919) 

"Our Empire is founded solely on the virtues of 
the Sovereign; solicitude on the part of the Ruler 
for the weal of the proletariat forms the essential 
principle for the administration of the country. . . ; 
the successive sovereigns have built our national 
organization on the foundation of loyalty to the 
state and of filial piety, treasuring the martial spirit 
and at the same time attaching the highest import- 
ance to the life of the people; the relation of the Im- 
perial Family with the people is a natural outcome 
of the sense of duty binding the Ruler and his sub- 
jects, and of affection uniting the father with his 
children." This has given birth to "the beautiful 
habit of one-minded loyalty to the Imperial Family 
and of obedience to the parent." Then follows a 
historical statement of the granting of the Constitu- 
tion by the Emperor Meiji. 

"The facts as here enumerated should be most 
carefully borne in mind." 

"For strengthening the people's veneration and 
adoration for our national policy, the beautiful habit 
of piety towards Deities and ancestors is necessary 
to be preserved and its general diffusion encouraged. 
.... The worship of Deities and ancestors is in- 
separably connected with the Family System of this 



244 APPENDIX 

country which constitutes immutable and permanent 
national custom. The example set by the Imperial 
Family of pious devotion to the Deities and ancestors 
and of the act of worship consecrated to them has 
never suffered even the slightest change since the 
time of the birth of our national institutions. So 
also with the people of all classes, the custom of wor- 
shipping the spirit of the ancestors is universally 
observed. ... It would be most necessary to direct 
the attention to adequately preserving the dignity and 
solemnity of the Temples commensurate with their 
sacred associations, and to universally educating the 
people on the true meaning of religious ceremonies and 
also to elevating the status of the Shinto Priesthood." 

Then follows the suggestion that there should be 
established a course of study in the Imperial Univer- 
sity to learn how to teach " the history of our national 
organization" and the basis of '*our national polity." 
An exhortation to simplicity, loyalty, obedience to 
law, and the promotion of nation-wide concord as of 
one big family is followed by a paragraph regretting 
the luxurious tendencies of the time. 

Other paragraphs suggest that Laws and Treaties 
that have tended to break down the Family System 
should promptly be revised. Government officials, 
public servants, the rich and the nobility should be 
admonished to restrain their habits of luxury and 
cultivate simplicity. "Materialism must be scrupu- 
lously guarded against." In relations with foreign 
Powers, "international morality should be most 
scrupulously observed." 



EDUCATION 24S 

In the social readjustments following the rapid 
industrial and commercial development of the Em- 
pire, every effort should be made to promote "social 
harmony, especially between labor and capital." 

And finally, we get the essential attitude of the 
vasy majority of Japanese educators today: 

"In these progressive times it is foolish to cling 
obstinately to the old things and in keeping pace 
with progress of the world it is necessary to import 
and adopt such foreign ideas as may be found to be 
beneficial and useful. . . . But at the same time the 
utmost care must be exercised against the tendency 
of attaching importance to anything new merely 
because of its newness. . . . New ideas should be 
studied, but precaution must be exercised in giving 
publicity to the results of the studies or on lecturing 
them before young students." 

"Teachers of religion of all sects and denomina- 
tions should contribute to the work of promoting 
national morality. ... by propagating the doctrines 
characteristic of their respective creeds." 

The legislation of this country "is based upon the 
ideal of our national organization and the funda- 
mental principle that our national morality shall be 
immutable throughout the ages and remain un- 
affected even in the slightest degree." 



Chapter XII 
CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

"So long as the Sun shall warm the earth let no Christian 
be so bold as to come to Japan; and let all know that the King 
of Spain himself, or the Christian's God, or the Great God of 
all, if he violates this command, shall pay for it with his head." 

Thus read the notice boards posted from 1650 to 
1873 ^^ villages and by roadsides all over Japan. In 
191 8 behold the change! The Christian church, in- 
cluding Roman and Greek Catholic, enrolled 232,929, 
and was served by 4,516 Japanese and 1,480 foreign- 
ers. Half the members and three-fourths of the 
workers are Protestants. An occasional traveler 
doubts the genuineness of the Japanese Christian's 
faith. The following stories may remove such doubt: 

Hampei Nagao 

The evening of February 22, 191 9, at Vladivostok. 

It had been a winter of international confusion. 
Seven nations were watching each other. Japan was 
nervous. The presence in Siberia of two hundred 
American railroad engineers, 1 80 Red Cross workers, 
a score of Publicity Bureau men, 100 YMCA sec- 
retaries, and 8,000 soldiers — what could it be but 
camouflage for some big commercial deal with Russia? 
Americans questioned the motive of Japan's expedi- 

246 



NAGAO 247 

tion of 72,000 soldiers. The British regretted that 
President Wilson's policy had not been different. 
The French were financing the Czechs, 60,000 men 
without a country. Italy, on general principles, put 
her fingers in the pie. China was watching to see 
that nobody stole North Manchuria, and Russia was 
in civil war. 

Out of this international chaos a gleam of order 
appeared. Over in Tokyo "conversations" had been 
carried on, that resulted in a service plan, finally 
proposed by Japan, for the cooperative operation of 
the Trans-Siberian Railroad. The responsibility 
was to reside in a Technical Board of eight engineers, 
one from each of the countries that had soldiers in 
Siberia. John F. Stevens of Panama Canal fame was 
to be the chairman. From Japan came Hampei 
Nagao, a fearless Christian layman. On his first 
night in Siberia we took supper together. 

"I didn't want this job," he said. "There is too 
much international politics in it. But my govern- 
ment would not let me resign. I have come over to 
work with Mr. Stevens. You know him. Is he a 
Christian ? Because if he is, I will go and have prayer 
with him, and then I am sure that all of our problems 
can be solved." 

Due not a little to the fine Christian spirit injected 
into that committee by this Japanese engineer, four 
months later Roland Morris, the American Ambas- 
sador to Japan, was able to say to a group of Osaka 
business men: "Every decision of that Technical 
Board has been unanimous." 



248 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

Mr. Nagao is one of the leading Christians of the 
Empire. He is a great advocate of temperance and 
of church union. When in charge of the Kyushu 
Division of the Government Railroad he induced 
6000 of the 8000 employees to sign the pledge. While 
living at Moji Mr. Nagao looked over the city and 
found several little denominational churches strug- 
gling for their existence. He started a movement 
for union, organized and raised the money for the 
institutional building of one central church. At any 
convention of Christian workers which he attends 
there is always a warm discussion of " Church Union." 

He is now one of the six head directors of the gov- 
ernment railways of Japan, occupying a civil position 
second only to the Premier and the members of his 
Cabinet. 

Honourable Soroku Ebara, M. P. 

Seventy-eight years old, for the twenty years 
1 890-1 910 a Member of Parliament, elevated to a 
seat in the House of Peers in 191 2, founder and 
president of the Azabu Boys' School of Tokyo, Mem- 
ber of the Higher Educational Council, decorated in 
191 5 by the Emperor for his services to education, 
the Honorable Soroku Ebara stands out as the great 
Christian Samurai of modern Japan. 

His soldierly bearing, preserved these fifty years 
since his pre-Restoration campaigns, his combination 
of Bushido sternness and Christian love, his racy 
anecdotes drawn from an immense store of thrilling 
experiences, and his keen knowledge of human nature. 



EBARA 249 

combine to make him a lecturer and evangelist much 
sought after. Were he not so devoted to his school 
he could spend all his time responding to invitations 
for religious addresses. The fact that he is a layman 
and a publicist gives his preaching especial force. 

An illustration of his capacity for work and of the 
wide audience which he reaches may be gathered 
from a ten days' spring schedule which included 
seven baccalaureate sermons, two educational lec- 
tures, and addresses at a church and a Sunday School 
Convention. 

A YMCA president, he is also indefatigable in 
serving the temperance movement and the peace 
societies and in supporting the work of his own 
church. At a supper given by the Tokyo Association 
to celebrate Mr. Ebara's elevation to the House of 
Peers, he told the following anecdote, which illus- 
trates both his humor and his democratic spirit: 

"There is no denying that people pay special 
respect to a member of the Upper House. Members 
of both Houses receive first class passes (white tickets) 
on the railways, but when I was a plain member of 
the Lower House, the police and the train guards 
just made a grudgingly civil bow, whereas now they 
get down on their marrow bones. Even when I had 
a white ticket I was accustomed to ride with the 
blue ticket (second) or the red ticket (third class) 
common people, for I am one of them. One time I 
was on a train with a number of M.P.'S. They all 
rode in the first-class compartment, while I got into 
the third. At Shizuoka as we all got off, I noticed 



250 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

with just a flutter of jealousy that there were twenty 
policemen lined up to welcome the members of Par- 
liament in the first-class, while I was left unnoticed. 
One man was shown particular attention and I said 
to myself, 'That's because he's a relative of so and 
so.' But later I learned that the police had been 
detailed to arrest him on a charge of taking bribes, 
and I reflected that it was better to ride on a red 
ticket and wear a white heart than ride on a white 
ticket and wear a red convict's uniform." 

Mr. Ebara is verily one of Japan's grand old men, 
an Imperial democrat, one of God's noblemen. 

TOYOHIKO KaGAWA 

Travelers in Japan who wish to see where for more 
than a decade the Sermon on the Mount has been 
literally lived should visit Toyohiko Kagawa at his 
little settlement house in the slums of Shinkawa, 
Kobe. It was in 191 1, two years after his graduation 
from the theological seminary, that I first met him. 
My little eight year old daughter went to sing at 
his children's Christmas in a tent on a vacant lot 
among the really poor of the great seaport. The 
Christmas tree, the gifts, the candy and the songs 
of the little flaxen-haired American child made Christ- 
mas the real thing to two hundred tangle-headed, 
thinly clad, sore-eyed girls and boys. 

Kagawa San started life as the son of one of the 
founders of the Osaka Shosen Kaisha, now one of 
the big steamship companies of the East. Through 



KAGAWA 251 

fast living and speculation his father lost the fortune 
of the old and wealthy family. An older brother 
dissipated what was left. A rich uncle took the boy 
and placed him in a middle school from which he 
graduated sixth in his class. But the lad, eager for 
knowledge, sought the acquaintance of Dr. H. W. 
Myers, the missionary who baptized him two years 
before he finished school. After commencement, 
Kagawa announced to his uncle that he was going 
to be a Christian minister. Without delay he was 
thrown out penniless. A classmate who had been 
converted in the same English Bible class kept him 
for a week, and after that Dr. Myers took him to 
his home as his boy. At the Presbyterian College 
in Tokyo and later in the Methodist Seminary in 
Kobe, he studied until his graduation in 1909. Later 
he spent three years in America at Princeton. Ka- 
gawa's real touch with the poor came during an attack 
of tuberculosis when he left school and went to live 
in the hut of a poor fisherman. He says, "There was 
a tragedy of sin in every house in that seaside village." 
After recovering, he returned to school, and the 
Christmas before his graduation went to live in a 
horrible little room in the slums. Let Dr. Myers 
tell the story: 

* We felt that in giving him permission to go there 
we were signing his death warrant, but he would 
take no refusal. He lived on $1.50 per month and 
the rest of the money given for his support and all 
else he got his hands on went to help the poor and 
suffiering about him. He gave away all his clothes 



252 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

except what he had on his back, and to provide for 
somebody who was hungry he often went without 
a meal. We continued to keep a change of clothing 
for him at our home where he could not give it away, 
and did our best to keep him from starving himself. 
Strange to say, this heroic treatment under the bless- 
ing of God cured his disease. He was preaching day 
and night, visiting and nursing the sick, studying 
and writing during these years, and doing the work 
of six ordinary men. 

"He is one of the leading figures of the religious 
world in Japan. He is the author of a half-dozen 
books on philosophical, religious and social subjects, 
has delivered special courses of lectures in a dozen 
institutions, is a leader in all the public agitation for 
social reform, carries on a laborers' dormitory, a free 
hospital and a dispensary, is editor and proprietor 
of The Lahorer^s News^ and is a constant contrib- 
utor to several magazines. Besides all this he is 
the efficient pastor of his flock in Shinkawa and 
acting pastor of another church. He preaches three 
times a week in the slums and during last spring con- 
ducted evangelistic services in the Kobe YMCA 
and in twenty churches of this section." 

In the summer of 191 9, at the request of the Feder- 
ated Churches, Kagawa visited the coal mines of 
Kyushu. His report of the rough conditions where 
half-naked women and men were laboring for long 
hours in the dingy, dirty underground stirred the 
Christian world. 

His latest achievement is the organization of the 



MISS KAWAI 253 

Kansai Federation of Labor with a membership of 
5,500. This is the nearest to a real labor union of 
any similar organization in Japan. 

Mr. Kagawa needs at once a suitable building for 
his great uplifting work among the poor of Kobe. 

MicHiKO Kawai 
Apostle of the New Man and the New Woman 

"Today I have discovered the coming woman of 
Japan/' said Dr. Nitobe to his wife when he returned 
home from the girls' school at Sapporo where he had 
met the fourteen year old Michiko. "To my mind, ' * 
writes her associate Miss MacDonald, "she is not 
the coming woman any more, she has come.'^ Not 
only as head of the Young Women's Christian 
Association but as a speaker and writer to men is 
Miss Kawai making her impress on the New Japan. 
Excepting the late Madame Hirooka, few have been 
the women who could win and hold as she does the 
attention of Japanese men. Miss Macdonald writes 
of her early life: 

" Kawai San is the daughter of a Shinto priest who 
was the fortieth in his line, with an unbroken priest- 
hood of 1200 years, all at the Imperial Shrines at Ise. 
After the restoration in 1868 her father's order was 
abolished and he took his family to Hokkaido, the 
northern island. There he engaged in business. 
He was a very devout man and Kawai San has told 
us that among her earliest recollections is that of her 
father going out every morning to worship the great 



254 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

Spirit behind the Rising Sun. He taught his children 
to pray always facing towards Ise. When Michiko 
San was about eleven her father became a Christian 
through the influence of a cousin of his who had been 
a ne'er-do-well but after his conversion had become 
a Christian evangelist. The whole Kawai family 
were shortly after baptized. The father henceforth 
taught them to pray turning away from Ise, to im- 
press the difference on their childish minds. He died 
a bit later." 

The reticent little girl was sent to a mission school 
where Dr. Nitobe met her and took her to his home. 
"She was," Mr. Nitobe said, "the shyest thing I 
had ever seen." Later she went to Bryn Mawr, hav- 
ing won the competitive scholarship which Miss 
Tsuda had founded for sending Japanese students 
from her Tokyo school to the American college. 

Since her graduation Miss Kawai has been tireless 
in her work for her sex in Japan. Through her visits 
and talks at girls* schools, by the promotion of a 
series of women's summer conferences all over the 
Empire, and with her magazine, she is a national 
figure. Knowing that the docile Japanese woman 
can never become what she should without the help 
of men. Miss Kawai has welcomed increasing oppor- 
tunities to tell young men how to look on women and 
how to prepare for their future homes. 

Miss Kawai is also a prominent Presbyterian, 
having been chosen an elder in Dr. Uemura's church 
in Tokyo. 

Criticism has, as a matter of course, been aroused. 



MISS HAYASHI 255 

Several years ago I sat by a long-haired, conservative 
university graduate as Miss Kawai thrilled an audi- 
ence at the Tokyo Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion. In the midst of her inspiring address this man 
remarked, "We men do not consider Miss Kawai a 
typical Japanese woman. She is too eccentric." 
Thank God for such eccentricity. Would there were 
half a hundred more! 

Miss Kawai visited Siberia in 191 9 and in 1920 
made her third visit since her college graduation 
to the United States. She is representing Japan 
at important Christian Association gatherings. 

Another word from Miss Macdonald: "Kawai 
San is naturally of a religious temperament. It is easy 
for her to understand the reality of the Unseen. Do 
you suppose she gets it from 1200 years' heredity 
of Shinto priesthood? It is an interesting problem." 

Utako Hayashi 

Miss Hayashi is the able general who in 1905 as 
leader of the Osaka W. C. T. U. secured 10,000 com- 
fort bags for soldiers in Manchuria, and since then 
has led three vigorous campaigns against the licensed 
social evil. The two fights of 1909 and 191 2 elimi- 
nated from Osaka over 130 licensed houses involving 
1500 inmates; and the campaign against the new 
quarter at Tobita, kept up in 191 6 for more than 
nine weary months, was due largely to her untiring 
energy and buoyant faith. These three drives 
against prostitution have been such an education to 



2S6 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

the whole Japanese nation that within a few years 
we believe the licensed system will be a thing of the 
past. I count it a great honor to have fought by the 
side of this noble little woman, sometimes from the 
same platform, in these campaigns. 

Born fifty-five years ago in Fukui Miss Hayashi 
graduated from the Fukui Normal School and later 
became a teacher in the Episcopal Girls' School of 
Tokyo. In 1896 she became head of the Osaka 
Hakuaisha Orphanage which she built up through 
starvation and self-sacrifice until she was able to 
hand it over to another head with an equipment 
valued at ^30,000 and accommodations for 130 boys 
and girls. In the early days of the orphanage she 
once fasted two whole days when the money failed. 
At another time after a day of empty stomachs, on 
returning from a night school where she taught, she 
"bought" five cents worth of potatoes for her starv- 
ing children, promising to pay later. The next day, 
unable to keep her promise, she went around by side 
streets to avoid the dunning shop keeper. On the 
third morning the longed-for post office order came 
from America, but it was payable at the Denbo office 
three miles away across the river. Weak from hunger 
she started on the long walk but was stopped at the 
river for lack of the quarter cent for the ferry ticket. 
The boatman yielded to her tears and she finally 
cashed the order and fed her children. If weeping 
could have moved the Osaka Governor, the Tobita 
Licensed Quarter would never be on the map, for 
I one day saw his desk wet with the tears of this 



YAMAMURO 257 

valiant woman as she pleaded for the freeing of the 
"white slaves" of our city. A free lance, living by 
faith, Utako Hayashi is giving all she has and is 
for the uplift of the women of Japan. 



Colonel Gunpei Yamamuro 

"When Colonel Yamamuro speaks I feel that I 
am listening to a man filled with the Holy Spirit." 
Thus spoke a Japanese YMCA secretary of his 
contemporary, the chief secretary of the Salvation 
Army. 

Wherever Yamamuro goes the halls are crowded. 
In the Osaka fights against licensed prostitution he 
has been chief platform speaker and publicity writer. 
His style is picturesque and conclusive. In his book 
Study of One Hundred Prostitutes, he has investi- 
gated and interviewed the unfortunate girls whom 
his associates have rescued, and from their personal 
experience he has drawn his conclusions. In public 
address, the pathetic stories he tells drive home the 
principles he draws from their examination. 

The Common People's Gospel is another of 
Colonel Yamamuro's books. This, running through 
many successive editions, has caused hundreds of 
Japanese to become Christians. The Japanese War 
Cry is also in his care. Among his writings is a life 
of General Booth. In 1917 while on a visit to the 
United States, he conducted a highly successful reli- 
gious campaign among countrymen of his in many 
states. 



2S8 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

On the accession of the present Emperor in 191 5 
Yamamuro was decorated with the Legion of Honor, 
a recognition of social service which has been granted 
to few Christians. 



Reverend Masahisa Uemura 

For a real live wire go to Reverend Uemura. For 
forty years, from Tokyo as a center, he has been 
preaching and writing a conservative Christian Gos- 
pel. Watch the eager faces of the 400 members who 
troop into his church every Sunday morning as the 
crowd of Sunday School children troop out. . His 
is the largest congregation in Japan. Yet he has 
graduated five independent branch churches and is 
preparing two more for their commencement. 

But church work is not enough to keep Mr. Uemura 
busy. He manages a divinity school of forty students, 
including ten women, publishes a religious magazine 
and for three years shared with Reverend Miyagawa 
of Osaka the management of the nation-wide evan- 
gelistic campaign. His school is sixteen years old, 
his paper thirty, his church forty and he has just 
turned sixty-one. Like Reverend Miyagawa, he has 
lived his working life in one city. 

Among the men he has inspired to Christian pub- 
lic service are the late Kenkichi Kataoka, four times 
president of the Diet, Somei Uzawa, M. P., and 
Nobori Watanabe, Chief Justice of the Court of Cas- 
sation in Korea. 

Mr. Uemura is a great believer in church independ- 



UEMURA 259 

ence and self-support. All his undertakings have 
for twenty-five years been independent of the mission 
boards. His church is supported by the members, 
his paper by its subscribers and his school by one of 
his wealthy converts. He is a wide reader, terse 
and sharp in expression, and a tremendous worker. 
Midnight finds him finishing the day. 

He used to be fond of a controversy. In 1901-02 
he engaged in a theological contention with the more 
liberal Danjo Ebina. But with maturing years he 
has learned to cooperate with his former creedal 
enemies. 

Mr. Uemura was one of the founders of the Tokyo 
YMCA, and for many years was the head of the 
Presbyterian General Board which has mission 
churches in Korea, China, LiuChiu, Formosa and 
Japan. 

When his knightly family was reduced to poverty 
at the Restoration, he sold wood and charcoal and 
even raised the hated pigs. Spare time he gave to 
study. Tames H. Ballagh and S. R. Brown did a 
great service to the Orient when they took this eager 
son of a fallen daimyo into their Yokohama English 
class. 

KiYOSHi Koizumi 

Two years ago I sat in the cozy parlor of a Japa- 
nese suburban home and listened to the life story of 
a prosperous Christian merchant. Measured in 
money it was an upward climb from a two dollar a 
month teacher to a semi-millionaire iron dealer. 



26o CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS 

Measured in spiritual values it was the rise from an 
obscure villager to one of the leading Christian lay- 
men of the Empire, and member of the Executive 
Committee of the World's Sunday School Associa- 
tion. 

Mrs. Koizumi came from a well-to-do family. But 
she was cast off when she married a Christian. She 
and her husband were eking out a bare living when a 
triflling incident fired a new ambition. One of the pri- 
mary pupils brought a Parley's history and asked his 
teacher to read it with him. Ashamed at his ignorance 
of English Mr. Koizumi resolved to leave his country 
school and master the foreign language. Although 
twenty-four years of age, he went up to Osaka and 
enrolled in the six years* course at the Taisei School. 
For support the little wife remained at home and 
taught sewing in a school for girls. Of her monthly 
^3.50 she sent |2.oo to her husband and starved on 
the rest. In the midst of the struggle, her baby came. 
I can see her now sitting on her feet, Japanese style, 
by her husband's chair, as he related the trials of 
those early days. 

The six years' work he finished in four. After 
graduation he clerked for $2.00 a month. Mrs. 
Koizumi joined him, and by her sewing added an- 
other ^2.00 to their meager income. In the evenings, 
the English scholar tended the baby while his wife 
sewed. Then wages rose to $4.00 per month and 
later to $6.00. The wolf had been conquered. All 
this hardship because rich parents declined to help. 

As the iron dealer ended the story he pointed to 



KOIZUMI 261 

his wife sitting on the floor beside his chair. "She 
hasn't much education and she lacks the graces of a 
dainty lady. Her eyes are bad, too, and she has to 
wear those ugly spectacles. But she hurt her eyes 
working to make me what I am. I love her for it." 
Thus spoke the Christian iron merchant, the superin- 
tendent of the largest Sunday School in West Japan, 
the treasurer of the local Young Men's Christian 
Association, and a pillar in the Congregational 
Church. When the Osaka Association was raising 
money for its building it was Mr. Koizumi who made 
the largest gift of any Christian in the city. Passion- 
ately devoted to the Sunday School he responds to 
every appeal for such work. He once gave a whole 
shelf of reference books on Christian education to 
the pastors' library in the YMCA building. 

His Christianity he practices in his business. At 
meetings of his fellow merchants it has been the 
custom to carouse with wine and women. Against 
this evil he is throwing all the weight of his influence. 
To his little group of clerks he regularly divides a 
tenth of each half year's profits, which at one time 
meant for the ten young men the snug sum of $35,000. 

Reverend Tsuneteru Miyagawa 

On a springlike Sunday in January, 1876, a group 
of school-boys walked through the streets of Ku- 
mamoto in South Japan, singing "Jesus, I My Cross 
Have Taken" and other Christian hymns. On the 
top of Hana-oka-yama, a hill overlooking the city. 



262 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

they kneeled and after prayer signed and sealed their 
names on an oath-paper covenanting at the sacrifice 
of their lives to enlighten the darkness of their coun- 
try by preaching the Gospel of God. From that 
group have come Ebina, Kozaki, Kanamori, and 
Miyagawa. What does Japan not owe to the spiri- 
tual leadership of these men, still active in Christian 
evangelism ! 

Captain Janes, the American military officer chosen 
as the martial spirited English teacher of this clan 
private school, for three years taught English in 
public and prayed with his wife in private for the 
anti-Christian boys. In the fourth year the teacher 
announced: "I shall teach the Bible on Sunday. 
Any one who wishes may come to my house." Miya- 
gawa went to study Christianity in order to oppose 
it. Of a family of Shinto priests he saw in this Bible 
class the opportunity to prepare himself to become 
the champion of Shintoism in its conflict with Chris- 
tianity. Charmed by the personality and conviction 
of Captain Janes and moved by the prayers of Mrs. 
Janes, the boys responded. "The whole school," 
writes one of the pupils, ** was like a boiling cauldron. 
Studies were neglected, groups of five, six, or seven 
began to study the Bible in the recitation rooms, in 
the dining room or in their own private rooms. Some 
of them not more than twelve years of age were im- 
pelled to speak to others." 

Miyagawa's father in a rage snatched him from the 
school and sent him for private tutoring to an old 
Shinto priest. 



MIYAGAWA 263 ' 

"At one of my first interviews," he later wrote, "I 
asked this old scholar to tell me where the Shinto para- 
dise was. He replied that it was in the sun. But I 
objected that the sun was a planet that was burning 
itself out. He replied that there was still one spot that 
was cool where was built a large Shinto temple. Then 
I asked him which was the first country on this earth 
to become civilized. Of course he mentioned Japan. 
Again I obj ected that Egypt was civilized at least 5,000 
years before Japan was known. On repeating my 
interview to my father he made no reply and I ceased 
to go to the old man for further instruction." 

In the fall of 1876 Miyagawa was one of the fa- 
mous Kumamoto Band of fifteen who formed the first 
theological class in Doshisha University. Often have 
I heard the late Dr. Davis amusingly describe his 
struggles with this group of wild colts. 

After finishing the Doshisha and teaching school 
for three years, Mr. Miyagawa began in the Osaka 
Church his one and only pastorate. For nearly forty 
years, with the aid of his able wife, this Beecher of 
Japan has hurled his invectives against the evils of 
Japanese society and expounded Christ as the Savior 
of the Empire. His church, almost from the first 
self-supporting, has grown to 1000 members with a 
$6000 budget, three assistant pastors, and a woman 
worker. For twenty years he has issued the Osaka 
Kodan, a monthly containing his sermons and other 
articles. Mr. Miyagawa was the chairman in West 
Japan of the recent Three Years' Evangelistic Cam- 
paign and served for many years as the President 



264 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

of the local Young Men's Christian Association. 
Three times he has been abroad. Two years ago his 
parish made a record for benevolence in Japan by 
raising $50,000 for the new church home. 

Madam Asako Hirooka 

The life story of Madam Hirooka, business woman, 
educator, patriot, and Christian orator, is a witness 
to the power of the Bible to remake character even 
at the age of sixty. In her girlhood she received the 
usual training in lady-like accomplishments, but her 
thirsty mind longed for more. Untaught, she learned 
to read the books boys studied until her family, when 
she was thirteen years old, actually forbade her to 
read any more books at all. 

Married at seventeen from the wealthy Mitsui 
family into an Osaka house, she soon discovered 
that her rich husband was spending his time in amuse- 
ments, leaving the management of his affairs to 
others. Realizing that financial troubles were ap- 
proaching, she began to prepare. Working night after 
night, the young wife mastered arithmetic, book- 
keeping and commercial subjects. Five years after 
the wedding, during a panic the crash came and her 
new family was nearly bankrupt. 

From that time, separating from her husband and 
quite alone, with remarkable ability she took full 
charge of the firm, opened a profitable coal mine near 
Moji, started the Kajima Bank, the Daido Life In- 
surance Company, and exploited agricultural lands 
in Korea. For nearly forty years, until the marriage 



MADAM HIROOKA 265 

of her only daughter, Madam Hirooka was one of 
the prominent business persons of the Empire. 

Her conversion dates from a dinner with a few 
friends at the Osaka Hotel ten years before her death. 
Mr. Naruse, President of the Tokyo Woman's Uni- 
versity, which she had backed for many years, point- 
ing to her remarked to Reverend Miyagawa: "This 
uncouth woman needs religion; you better teach her." 
This stinging remark of a trusted friend broke 
through. Then began that intimate study of the 
Bible with her pastor, often taking three or four 
hours a week, which resulted two years later in her 
baptism. She was received into the Church at the 
same service as several Sunday School pupils. The 
queen of finance had become a little child. 

Three months after the baptism of the mother her 
daughter came to Reverend Miyagawa and said: 
"My servants say the devil is getting to be an angel." 
Another servant in the Tokyo Mitsui family said to 
the newly-born old lady: "Now that you have be- 
come so much kinder I hope you will live a long time." 

Prayer was a great problem to her. The suggestion 
was made that she try to speak to God what was in 
her heart "as a tenderly indulged child speaks to a 
father." Madam Hirooka later made the comment: 
"Unlike other people I had never had the experience 
of being tenderly indulged; my father, my mother, 
even my husband, far from tenderly indulging me, 
had always depended upon me, so this advice did 
not suit me at all." 

Her magazine articles were signed " Kyuten Jukki 



266 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

Sei" (nine times falling, nine times rising again), a 
true description of her life, referring to Prov. 24:16, 
"A righteous man falleth seven times and riseth up 
again." 

Madam Hirooka was one of the great Christian 
evangelists of Japan. In connection with the United 
Evangelistic Campaign she toured from north to 
south and south to north, making her thrilling, almost 
terrific, appeals for pure Christian living. One night 
at Shimonoseki she held a vast theatre audience of 
2,000 for a solid hour with her virile Gospel message. 
She always dressed in European clothes which made 
her quickly recognized everywhere she went. 

Her main interest was the woman problem, the 
arrows of which from a child had pierced her soul. 
Many a time have I heard her eloquent damnation 
of the pernicious customs tolerated by law and by 
society. But with her there was but one solution — 
the Bible and Christianity. An American newspaper 
woman who had certain theories that education and 
environment make men and women once interviewed 
Madam Hirooka and tried to get her ideas confirmed 
by this keen Japanese mind. But the Oriental bus- 
iness woman kept reiterating what the Occidental 
writer kept ignoring, that without the Spirit of the 
living God working in the hearts of men, these things 
could not be done. 

Although she had sufi^ered much, her first tears 
were shed one summer morning at Karuizawa. She 
gives a beautiful account of that memorable experi- 
ence on the mountain side, when all the clouds upon 



MORIMURA 267 

her spirit vanished and she was lifted into full fellow- 
ship with her Lord. After the happy tear drops had 
rained down she lifted her eyes, the morning mists 
were rolling up, the cooing of the wood pigeons and 
the early notes of the nightingale seemed to be prais- 
ing God with a sweetness never known before. From 
that morning in the great outdoors until her death 
God and His Presence were a vital reality to her. 

Baron Ichizaemon Morimura 

Halls were not large enough when the "big bus- 
iness" evangelists. Madam Hirooka and Baron Mori- 
mura were advertised to speak. The testimony of 
this gray-haired pair, both converted when over sixty 
and working with an intensity which put to shame 
many a younger Christian, was irresistible. The loss 
to the Christian movement in their deaths less than 
a year apart cannot be estimated. Had he lived 
another month Baron Morimura would have been 
eighty years old. For the last quarter of his life he 
was an ardent Christian, having been converted dur- 
ing a visit to America. Although he travelled about 
the Empire preaching in nearly every larger center he 
was baptized only two years before his death, and 
then at his own residence and by an unordained evan- 
gelist who had spent twenty-three years of his life in 
jail. By selecting Mr. Y. Koji to perform this cere- 
mony Baron Morimura registered his protest against 
division and formalism in the Christian Church. 

This millionaire head of the Morimura Company, 
Exporters and Importers, began his career as shop 



268 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

boy in a dry goods store. At eighteen he was a petty 
dealer in tobacco pouches. At thirty-six he organ- 
ized the firm which still bears his name. At fifty- 
three he was appointed manager of the Nihon Ginko, 
the Bank of England of Japan, which post he filled 
for eighteen years. Later he established the Mori- 
mura Bank. Four years before his death he was 
created a peer and given the title of Baron. The 
kindly face under its canopy of snow white hair will 
remain a vivid picture in the hearts of those who 
heard this prosperous business man exhort his coun- 
trymen to follow his Christ. 

Professor Sakuzo Yoshino 

In May of 1919, at Tokyo I met Bob Gailey, the 
Young Men's Christian Association statesman of 
North China. "George," he said, "you say there 
is a democratic party in Japan. I can't find it. I 
wish you would show me some evidence." 

A few hours later we passed under the big red gate 
of the Tokyo Imperial University, the school de luxe 
of the Oriental world. In his office we met Professor 
Yoshino, authority in international politics and 
president of the University Christian Association. 
To Professor Yoshino Gailey reported his quest. 

"Signs of democracy in Japan?" said Dr. Yoshino. 
"Why, the University students are turning demo- 
crats so fast that we are trying to slow them down 
to keep them from becoming Bolshevik§." 

Then this Christian educator told us how a few 
days before, when the agitation in China against 



YOSHINO 269 

Japan's demands for Shantung was at its height, 
three of his pupils went over to call on some Chinese 
in Tokyo. The men from abroad were afraid. They 
thought the Japanese had come to start something. 
But when they heard this little deputation express 
sympathy for China in her plight they were dumb 
with surprise. 

The professor's eyes shone as he explained to us 
his "Shinjin Kai" (Society of New Men), of fifty 
University graduates — a group of educated reformers. 
A score of these had recently banded themselves 
together to study in close contact the labor situation 
in their Empire. They had gone out into the shops 
and factories to work and live with the laborers. Here 
were twenty disciples under the guidance of a Christian 
prophet getting first-hand information with which to 
help solve a great social problem when the crisis in 
Japan should become acute. As we left the University 
grounds, Gailey remarked : "This morning has given 
me a great hope, both for China and for Japan." 

The leadership of the new Orient must come from 
Christians. The narrow nationalism of men of the 
old school in any land must give place to leaders who 
believe in a World Father and the one Kingdom of 
a sacrificing Master. Professor Yoshino's experience 
peculiarly fits him to guide Japan at this time. His 
years of residence in the University Christian Associa- 
tion dormitory, when twenty years ago he came down 
from the north a poor college student, gave him the 
Christian background. His knowledge of China, 
gained by three years' residence in Tientsin when he 



270 CAN JAPANESE BE CHRISTIANS? 

was tutor in Yuan Shih K'ai's family, and his three 
years of study in America and Europe in 1 910-13, have 
given him an insight of both the East and the West. 

As professor of Political History in the Imperial 
University Law College, Dr. Yoshino stands in a 
position to send from his classes a steady stream of 
young political leaders with the Christian world view. 
The general public, too, looks to him for guidance. 
The circulation of The Central Review (Chuo Koron), 
the magazine through which he preaches his pro- 
gressive ideas, has increased its monthly circulation 
from 11,000 to 55,000 in the last four years. 

The contribution to the future of Asia of this 
traveled Christian democrat is beyond measure, 
especially at this critical time when, in the words of 
a recent American visitor to Japan, "One false move 
and the whole Far East may be ablaze." 

It is such men and women who will Christianize 
Japan's impact on the world. The development 
of a few more leaders like these is the solution of the 
problem of the Far East. Here is the call to British 
and American young men and women, to go to Japan, 
dig down into the life of that forward-looking nation, 
and raise up Christians of this type. Men from 
China and even Russia are saying: "If necessary, 
our countries can wait. Japan must be Christian- 
ized now." Let us, the followers of Christ, buttress 
the Japanese church until "the menace of Japan" 
shall become the blessing of the Orient. Where is 
there a greater challenge to constructive service? 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Books with a Pro-Japanese Attitude 

Clarke, Joseph I. C: 

Japan at First Hand. Dodd, Mead & Co. 
Kawakami, Kiyoshi Karl: 

Japan and World Peace. MacmlUan 
Nitobe, Inazo: 

The Japanese Nation. G. P. Putnam's Sons 
Okuma, Count: 

Fifty Years of New Japan. E. P. Button & Co. 
Sherrill, Charles H.: 

Have We a Far Eastern Policy ? Scribner 

Books with an Anti-Japanese Attitude 

Coleman, Frederic: 

The Far East Unveiled. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 
Crow, Carl: 

Japan and America. McBride 
McKenzie, F. A. : 

Korea's Fight for Freedom. Revell 
Millard, Thomas F. : 

Democracy and the Eastern Question. Century 
Putnam Weale, B. F. : 

The Truth about China and Japan. Dodd, Mead 
and Co. 



271 



272 BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Books with an Unpartisan Attitude 

Bashford, James Whitford: 

China; an Interpretation. Abington Press 
Brown, Arthur Judson: 

The Mastery of the Far East. Scribner 
Hershey, Amos R.: 

Modern Japan. Bobbs, Merrill Co. 
Hornbeck, Stanley K.: 

Contemporary Politics in the Far East. Appleton 
Patton, Cornelius H. : 

World Facts and America's Responsibility. Associa- 
tion Press 
Porter, Robert P. : 

Japan, the Rise of a Modern Power. Clarendon 
Press, Oxford 
Spargo, John: 

Russia as an American Problem. Harper 



INDEX 



Abolition of slavery, 29 
Adams, Will, 47 
Aigun, 134 
Alaska, 47 
Allied forces, 26 
All-Russian Government, 36 
America, 25, 32, 48, 136, 242 

leaves Siberia, 33 
American arms, 32 

business man, quoted, 7 

Congress, inaction of, 112 

engineers, 6, 10, 29, 31 

Expeditionary Force, 27 

fleet in Japan, 48 

Government, 33 

decision regarding Siberia, 21, 
22 

Legion, 203 

military prison, 164, 165 

opposition to Japan's policies, 
211 sq. 

policy, 32 

Review of Reviews, quoted, 
205, 207 

soldiers, number of, in France, 

213 
Americans, purpose of, in Siberia, 

29 
Amur Line, 2, 23, 24 
Amur River, 23, 26, 134 

Japanese troops at the mouth 

of, 24 
Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 58, 59 
Anglo-Saxon race, 242 

plea to, 4 
Annam, 56 



Annexation by white nations, 168 
Anshanchan steel mill, 128 
Anti-American feeling, causes of, 

197 sq. 
Anti-Japanese demonstrations, 50 

feeling, 25 

stories, 200 sq. 
Antung-Mukden Railway, 82, 87 
Area of Japan, 240 
Armaments, limitation of, 40 
Arms Alliance, 77 
Army, Japanese, 78, 235, 241 

in Siberia, 24, 32 

in 1895, 54 

in 1904, 54 

officers in, 76 
Arnold, Julean, 169, 171 
Asahi, Osaka, 94, 105 
Asahi, Toyko, 27, 104 
Asama, the, 201 
Asia, Japan's prestige in northern, 

25 

Asia, quoted, 13 
Australia, 221 
Austrians, 22 

Baikal, Lake, 33 

Baker, Newton D., Secretary of 

War, 43 
Baker, William, 170 
Ballagh, James H., 259 
Baltic Squadron, 60 
Banks, 20, 225 
Bashford, Bishop, 168, 170 
Belgium, 168 
Bell, Sergeant, 165 



273 



274 



INDEX 



Berlin Mission Society, i8i 
Bessarabia, 37, 41 
Bibliography, 271, 272 
Big Five, 164 
Blagoveschensk, 23, 26, 28 
Blunders, first, 74 

second, 74 

third, 75 

fourth, 77 

fifth, 77 
Bolsheviki, 3, 21, 23, 26, 27, 29, 

30, 34» 37. 39» 43 
Bolshevism, Japan fearful of, 

33 
Booth, General, 257 
Boston Globe, 202 
Boston Herald, 178, 190 
Boxer uprising, 57, 185 
Boycott of Japanese goods, 180 
British, the, 23, 48, 247 
British army ofiicers, 21 

banks, 20 

engineers, 31 

fleet, S5 

Labor Party, 107 

packing firm, 13 

troops, 43 

War Office, 10 
Brown, Arthur Judspn, 144, 229 
Brown, S. R., 259 
Bryn Mawr, 254 
Buddhism, 238, 239 
Bukedu, 2 

Burial at sea, 210, 211 
Bushido, 79, 238, 248 
Business men in Siberia, 12 

Cabinet, the, 43 
California, birth rate in, 208 
Japanese question in, 204 



California, land cultivated by 
Japanese in, 209 

land laws, 208 

referendum, 207 
Cambodia, 56 
Canada, 221 
Canteens, 14 
Canton, 55, 242 
Caroline Islands, 242 
Caucasian territory, 37, 41 
Causeway to Asia, 60 
Chai-Amm-Ni, burning of church 

at, 151, 152 
Changchun, 25, 61, 125, 172 

cruel treatment of a coolie at, 

I30> 131 

Italians at, 11 
Chang Chung Hsiang, 180 
Chang Poling, 182 
Characteristics in Japan, 236 

sq. 
Charity in Japan, 229 
Chefoo, 81, 86 
Chemulpo, 60 
China, 25, 49, 52, 53, 55, 247 

buying power of, 168, 169 

coal of, 169 

factories of, 170 

foreign adviser of, 84 

foreign concessions in, 191 

hatred of Japan by, 3 

iron in, 170 

Japan compared to, 167 

in Korea, 50, 51 

national union of, stimulated by 
Japan, 182 

natural resources of, 169 sq. 

police of, 84 

Press, The, quoted, 76 

solution of problem of, 191 



INDEX 



275 



China, war of, with Japan, cost of, 

52 
number of soldiers in, 52 
Chinese Customs, 15, 16 

Eastern Railroad, 2, 10, 15, 24, 

76, 134 

engineers, 31 

Government Railway, 134 

revolution, 135 

students oppose Japan, 179 

tellers, 20 
Choshu, 48 
Christianity in Japan, 46, 239, 

246 sq. 
Christian Herald, The, 138 
Christian Work, The, 182 
Christians in Japan, 47, 246 
Chronicle, The San Francisco, 

137 
Chuo Koron, 199, 270 
Civilians, growing power of, 100 
Clemenceau, 32, 38, 43 
Coal mines in Shantung, 68 
Cochin-China, 56 
Coleman, Frederic, quoted, 132, 

173, 17s 
Concessions in China, 195 
Conservatives, 115 
Consortium, 135, 186 sq., 214 
Constituent Assembly, 35 sq. 
Corbett, Dr. Hunter, 181 
Cossacks, 28, 32 
Cost of living in Japan, 226 
Court Chamberlain, 102 
Crown Prince, 31 
Cuba, 188 

Current Opinion, 138 
Czar, 53, 55 
Czecho-Slovaks, 22, 23, 25, 28, 31, 

33. 34. 247 



Dairen, 52, 57, 61, I2I, 183, 236 

beans of, 122 

experiment station, 126 

trade of, 122 
Dalny, 82, 87, 141 
Davis, Dr., 263 
" Dawn, The," 98 
Debts of Japan, 226 

of nations, 223 

of Russia, 38, 41 
Deities, 243 
Democracy, 98, 264 

growth of, 94, 219 

evolution of Japan towards, 
119 

flooding the world, 104 
Deshima, 47 
Dewey, John, 229, 234, 238 

on Japan factory laws, 108 
Dial, The, 108, 234, 238 
Diet, the, 33, 96, 219, 232 
Diplomacy, Japan's skill in, 53 
Diplomatic blunders, 71 
Divorce, 230, 231 
Doshisha University, 263 
"Dual Government," 79, 103, 

114 sq. 
Dutch, the, 47, 48 

Ebara, Soroku, 248 

Ebina, 262 

Economic future of Japan, 220 sq. 

Economic R.elief Society, 14 

Education, 232 sq. 

government report on, 243 
Egypt, 164, 192 
Elder statesmen, the, 219 
Elgin, Lord, 240 

Emperor of Japan, 53, 54, 116, 
232, 243, 248 



276 



INDEX 



Emperor and Empress, the act of 
courtesy of, 3 1 

Rescript concerning Korea, 78 
Empress, Dowager, 185 
Encyclopedia Britannica, 56 
England, 32, 53, 55, 71, 136, 191 

agreement of, with Russia, 57 
English pilot, 47 
Englishman killed in Yokohama, 

48 
Esteb, Miss, 138 
Esthonia, 37, 41 
Europe, 47, 54, 56 
Exports, excess of, 221 

to China, 181 

Factories, 227 
Factory laws, 108, 109 
Fakumen, 134 
Family system, 244 
Far East, peace of, 53 
Far Eastern Olympics, 182 
Federated Missions, 226 
" Fifth Group," 74 
Finances of Japan, 221 sq. 
Finland, 37, 41, 165 
Force, use of, 73 

in international dealings, 45 
Foreign diplomacy, 45 

Office, 25, 96, 117 

trade, 223 
Formosa, 52, 100, 240, 242 
Forum, The, 202 

France, 25, 53, 55, 71, Ti, 136, 
168, 191 

president of, 53 
Franchise, extension of, 96 
Freedom of Russia, 43 

of speech and of the press, 97 
French, the, 23, 31, 43, 48, 247 



French missionaries massacred in 
Korea, 140 

possessions in South China, 55 
Friendly Society, 106, 107, no 

platforms of, 113 sq. 
Fukien, 85, 92 
Fushun coal mine, 127 
Future of Japan, 218 sq. 

Gailey, Robert R., 268 

Geisha, 227 

General Sherman, the, 140 

General Staff of Japanese army, 

24, 78, 96, 117, 118, 241 
Genghis Khan, 139 
Gentlemen's Agreement, 203, 204, 

205 
George, David Lloyd, 32, 38, 43 
German autocracy, 34 

Catholic missionaries, 54 

propaganda, 202 
Germans, the, 21, 22 
Germany, 25, 29, 53, 54, 71, 168 

ultimatum to, 73, 194 
Gleason, George, 149, 217 
Goto, Baron, 24 
Graves, Major-General William S., 

22, 27, 28, 30 
Great Britain, 77, 164, 168, 242 
Great Wall, the, 57 
GuHck, Dr. S. L., 200, 205, 210 

Habarovsk, 2, 3, 14, 22, 23, 27 
Hague Conference, 72 
Haiti, 164 

Hangkow, 135, 170, 175 
Hanyang, 175 

Hanyehping Co., 83, 91, 174 sq. 
Hara, Premier, Cabinet of, 94, 95, 
97 



INDEX 



277 



Hara, Premier, letter from, 216, 217 

proclamation of, on Korea, 161 

quoted, 94, 95, loi 
Harbin, 7, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 57, 

59, I2S, 168 
Harriman, Edward H., 133, 197 
Hawaii, 188 

Japanese in, 210 
Hayashi, Baron Gonsuke, 100, 172 

Miss Utako, 255 
Hearn, Lafcadio, 230 
Hegemony in Asia, 173 
Heidt, Miss, 137, 138 
Heney-Webb Bill, 206 
Henschen, Sigmund, 202 
Hershey, Amos R., 6, 172, 173, 

193 
Hey king. Baron von, 70 
Hideyoshi, Toyotomi, 46 

invasion of Korea by, 139 
Hioki, Mr., 93 

Hirooka, Asako, Madam, 253, 264 
Hochi, The, 97, 104, 187 
Hokkaido, 241 
Home Minister, the, iii 
Honest, are the Japanese, 20 
Hongkong, 55, 191, 242 
Hornbeck, Stanley K., 226 
Horvath, General, 16 
Hsinmintun, 134 

Ichihashi, Prof., 205, 206 

Ichoufu, 67 

leyasu, 47 

Imperial Government of Japan, 27 

Household Department, 98, 99 

Rescript, the, 218 

travel, simplifying of, 98 

University, 233, 268 
democracy in, 98 



Imports, 171 

Imports from China, 181 

Indemnity, China to Japan, 52 

paid by Japan, 49 
Independent, The, 162, 179, 192 
India, 164 
Indo-China, 56 
Insurance, 225 
Integrity of China, 173, 190 
Intendanski Rosjest, 17 
International Agreement, 7 

Labor Conference, 109 

relations, 242 
Internationalism, 53 
Irkutsk, 23 

Irwin, Commodore, 201 
Ise Shinto Shrine, 229 
Ishii, Viscount Kikujiro, 197, 211, 

216 
Ishii-Lansing agreement, 77, 202, 

214 sq. 
Ishikawa, Pastor, 14 
Ishizaka, Rev., 78 
Itahans, 11, 31, 43 
Italy, 247 
Ito, Prince, 49, 50, 133 

assassination of, 142 

in Seoul, 141, 142 
Iwakura Mission, 49 

Janes, Captain, 262 

Japan Advertiser, 10, 99 sq., 114, 

138, 156, 177, 179, 184, 198, 

199, 222, 223, 243 
Japan Chronicle, 44, 107, iii sq., 

164, i88, 199, 225 
Japan Mail, 173, 235 
Japan Review, 102, 196 
Japan Year Book, 222, 231, 235 
Japanese Government, 53 



278 



INDEX 



Japanese Government, legation in 
Seoul, 50 
troops in Siberia, 23 
Japanese in United States, 204 
Jiji, 98, 99 
Jordan, Dr. David Starr, 20, 200 

Kagawa, Toyohiko, 107, 250 

Kagoshima, 48 

Kaibara, 230 

Kaizo, 98 

Kalmikov, 32 

Kamakura Buddha, 49 

Kamchatka, 241 

Kamio, General, 73 

Kanamori, 262 

Kansai Federation of Labor, 107, 

253 
Kato, Viscount, 160, 173, 193 
Kawai, Michiko, 253 
Kawakami, Mr., 202 
Kawasaki ship building yards, 

no 
Keijo Nippo, 156 
Kennan, George, 202. 
Kiaochow, 81, 86 

leased to Germany, 62 
Kinchow, 134 
Kirin, 24, 184 

Kirin-Changchun Railway, 83, 90 
Knox, General, 8, 10, 197 
Knox proposal, 134, 135, 187 
Koizumi, Kiyoshi, 259 sq. 
Koji, Y., 267 

Kokumin, The, 27, 188, 199 
Kokusai Tsushinsha, 193 
Kolchak, Admiral, 32, 34, 38, 43 
Komura, Baron, 61 
Korea, 3, 4, 51, 228, 240 

agricultural resources of, 143 



Korea, annexation of, 72, 142 

area of, 143 

causes of uprising in, 156 sq. 

changes in, loi 

Chinese troops in, 51 

country of villages, 142 

crucifixions in, 137 

Emperor's Rescript on, 160 

espionage in, 159 

history of, 139 sq. 

Imperial rescript on, 145 

incidents in the uprising in, 
152 sq. 

independent buifFer state, 72 

influence of uprising on mis- 
sion work in, 156, 157 

integrity of, 59 

Japan in, 137 

Japanese occupation of, 145 

Japanese troops in, 51 

king of, 49 

material progress in, 146 sq. 

minerals of, 143 

missions in, 145 

negotiations concerning, 59, 72 

newspaper attacks on mission- 
aries in, 155, 156 

official report of uprisings in, 

150. 151 

population of, 143 

reforms in, 50, 51, 160 

Russia in, 58 

students' idea on, 118 

superstitions in, 144, 145 
Korean situation, 162 

conclusion on, 164 
Kozaki, 262 

Krapivinski, station master, 16 
Kuhara, 228 
Kumamoto, 261 



INDEX 



-279 



Kurino, Mr., 60 

Kurozawa, Colonel, 15, 16, 17, 19 
Kwang-Chow Bay, 55, 56 
Kwantung administration, 24 

peninsula, 124 
Kyung Dari, visit to, 154 sq. 
Kyushu, 242 

Labor, 227 
movement, 106 
Party, 97, 112 
song, no 
unions, 96, 107 
Labor and Capital Harmonization 

Society, ill 
Laborers, Japanese, in America, 6 
Laborer's News, The, 252 
Lahti, Finland, 165 
Lansing, Robert, 216 
Lansing-Ishii Agreement, 77, 202, 

214 sq. 
Laos, 56 
Latvia, 37, 41 
Lea, Homer, 241 

League of Nations, 33» 3S> 37» 40. 
96, 109, 112, 185, 186, 190, 
191, 203, 214, 23s 
Leland Stanford, 205 
Liaotung, 52, 53, 54, 57 
Liberty, civil and religious, of 

Russia, 37 
Li Hung Chang, 50, 51, 56, 70, 

141 
Literary Digest, 97, 137, 164, 

165, 204 
Lithuania, 37, 41 
Loans to China, 75, 167 
London, 57 

Longford, Joseph H., 240 
Losses of Japan in Siberia, 26 



Lu, Mr., 92, 180 
Luther's Reformation, 29 

Mabie, Hamilton Wright, 237 

MacDonald, Miss, 253, 255 

Magdalena Bay, 200 

Makino, Baron, 32, 38, 43, loi, 177 

Manchuli, 24 

Manchuria, 2, 3, 8, 24, 25, 57, 58, 

74, 81 sq., 87, 88, 89, 90, 
95, 162, 164, 187, 197, 247 

Japan in, 120 

negotiations concerning, 59 

opened to trade by Japan, 133 

population of, 123 

Russian rights in, 59 
Manchus, 140 

abdication of, 135 
Mansei, 150 
Marshall Islands, 242 
Masampo, 57 
Mason, Gregory, 211 
McClatchy, Mr., 204 
McCormick, Frederick, quoted, 

135 
Meiji, Tenno, Emperor, 45, 54, 243 
"Menace of Japan," 189 
Merchant Marine, 224 
Mexico, 188 

Japanese troops in, 202 
Mikado, 50 
Militarism, 45, 46, 53, 76, loi, 114, 

115, 242 
cause of, explained, 79 
Millard, Thomas P., quoted, 71, 

75, 168, 186 
Mines in Manchuria, 88 
Minister of War, 104, 116, 118 
Missionary propaganda in China, 

8S»93 



28o 



INDEX 



Missionary Review of the World, 

i8i 
Missionaries, 238 
Mito, Prince of, 236 
Mitsubishi, 228 
Mitsui, 228, 264 
Miyagawa, Tsuneteru, 258, 261, 

26s 
Mizuno, Dr. Kentaro, 161 
Moji, 248 
Mongolia, 25, 74, 81 sq., 87, 90, 

91, 187 
Monroe Doctrine, American, 186 

for Asia, 185 sq. 
Montreal train, 131 
Morimura Ichizaemon, Baron, 

267 
Morphine, 182 sq. 

in Manchuria, 129 
Morris, Roland S., 212, 247 
Moscow, 34, 36 
Mowry, Mr., 156 
Mukden, 120, 235 

battle of, 60 
Murayama, Ryuhei, 94 
Myers, H. W., 251 

Nagao, Hampei, 246 

Nagasaki, 47 

Naruse, Mr., 265 

Nation, The, 7, 8, 21, 62, 186 

National debts, 164, 221, 222 

Navy, 78, 235 

in 1895, 54 

in 1905, 54 
Newchwang, 120, 134 
New Japan, the, 94 
New Republic, The, 7, 165 
New Statesman, The, 165 
New York Herald, The, 201 



New York Journal, The, 138 
New York Times, 44, 171, 190, 

204, 205 
New Zealand, 221 
Newspaper propaganda, 198 sq. 
Nichi Nichi, 26, 198 
Nineteenth Century, The, 240 
Nitobe, Dr. Inazo, 198, 237, 253 
Nogawa, Miss Hide, 231 
Nogi, General, poem of, 120 
North American Review, 208 
North China Star, 28 

Oi, General, 27 
Okayama, 236 
Okuma, Count, on Shantung, 73, 

117, 192 
Okura, 228 

Omsk Government, 23, 29, 30, 38 
Open Door, the, 59, 132, 133, 173, 

189 
Opium, 182 sq. 
Orlando, 32, 38, 43 
Osaka, 98, 228, 229, 236, 247 
Osaka Mainichi, s,6 
Otsuka, S., 129 
Outlook, The, 22, 211 
Ozaki, Yukio, 44, 71, 97 

"Parchesi, let's play," 213 
Paris, 25, 43, 177 

Conference, 32, loi, 179 
Partisan Books, 4 
Peace Conference, 31, 34, 37, 77, 

I3S» 203 
Pechili, Gulf of, 134 
Peking, 191 

Chinese students in, 3 
Perry, Commodore, 4, 45, 47, 48, 
197 



INDEX 



281 



Persia, 192 

Pescadores, The, 52 

Petrograd, 59 

Pheland, Senator, 203, 208 

Philadelphia Public Ledger, 

105, 212 
Philadelphia Quaker, i 
PhiHppines, 56, 182, 188 
Picture brides, 205, 206 
Pinghsiang coal mines, 175 
Pinto, Mendez, 46 
Poland, 37, 40 
PoHce in China, 84 
Policies in Siberia, 30, 45 

Japanese and American, 28 

separate, 32 

united, 33 
Policy in Russia, 34 
Polk, Mr., 21 
Population of Japan, 240 
Port Arthur, 24, 52, 55, 57, 82, 87, 
121, 141, 23s, 241 

attack on Russian fleet near, 60 

assault of, 120 
Portsmouth, Treaty of, 60, 124, 

133 
Portugal, 168 
Portuguese, the, 46 
Postal savings, 224 
Powers, the, 32, 57, loi 
Allied and associated, 34, 35, 36, 

37. 38, 43 
Prayers at Japanese Shrines, 48 
Premier, the Japanese, iii, 117 
Preserver of the peace of the 

Orient, 3 1 
Prime Minister, 104 
Princeton, 251 
Prostitution, 130, 227, 229, 255, 

257 



Protestants, 246 
Prussianism, 76 
Putnam-Weale, B. F., 46, 75, 138, 

183 
Pyeng Yang, 156 

Railroads in Japan, 224 
Railroad problems, solution of, 31 
Railway concessions in China, 92 
Reconstruction Alliance, 99 
Red Cross, 10, 33, 229, 246 
Red tape of police, 131 
Reforms in Korea, 50, 51 
Reinsch, Dr. Paul S., 13, 167 
Religion, 238, 239, 245 
Resident-General of Korea, loi 
Revolution, 229 

in China, 186 

in Russia, 37 
Rhee, 149 
Rice riots, 105 
Robinson, Colonel, 28 
Rogers, Admiral, 140 
Roman Catholic Church, 239, 246 
Roosevelt, President, 60 
Root, Elihu, 211 
Rumania, 37 
Russia, 21, 49, S3, 54, 57, 71, 168, 

235. 247 
advice of, to Japan in 1895, 53 
ambitions of, in Manchuria and 

Korea, 57 
anti-Japanese, 12 
feared by Europe, 161 
financial interests in, 23 
giving birth to a new idea, 29 
government of, 30 
Japan's enemies in, 33 
needs of, 171 
policy in, 34 



282 



INDEX 



Russia, railroad men of, 2 
Russian Bear, 53 

Lumber Company, 58 

Minister, 53 

Orthodox Church, 14 

problem, 35 

railway, 197 
Russians, the, 31 

in Korea, 51, 141 

in Port Arthur, 55 
Russo-Japanese War, 53, 56, 164, 
171, 23s, 236 

agreement of 1910, 134, 135 

cost of, 60 

treaty of, 76 

Sabotage, no 

Sacramento Bee, 204 

Saghalin, 61, 164, 240, 241 

Saigon, 56 

Saint Petersburg, 60 

Saito Baron, loi, 161 

Sake, 14 

San Francisco, 190 
pig iron at, 170 

Satsuma, 48 

"School Question," 205 

Secrets of National Power, 189 

Seiyukai, 95 

Semenov, 32 

Senate, American, 33 

Senate Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee, 77 

Seoul Press, 142 

Seventh Division, 24 

Severance Hospital, 138 

Shahokou railway shops, 126 

Shanghai, 191 

Shantung, 4, 26, 54, 81, 167, 169, 
17s. 190, 269 



Shantung, coal mines of, 68 

German priority rights in, 69 
demanded by Japan, 77 

German railroad and mining 
concessions in, (ff 

Peace Treaty on, 176, 177 

population of, 55 

resources of, 55 

solution of problem of, 190 

statements concerning return of, 
192, 193 

students' ideas on, 118 

treaty on, 62 sq. 

vacillation concerning, 73 
Shibusawa, Baron, in 
Shimonoseki, Treaty of, 48, 52 
Shinto, 238, 244, 255, 262 
Shocks, three, 47 
Shogun, the, 45, 49, 79 
Siam, 56 

Siberia, 8, 12, 13, 22, 24, 25, 26, 
29. 33. 56, 96, 212 

confusion in, 32 

Japanese intervention in, 21 

policies regarding, 28, 30, 45 
separate, 32 
united, 33 
Siberian expedition, 21 
cost of, 44 

problem, 33 
Smugglers, 13-19 
Social conditions, 226 sq., 245 
Socialists, 96 

Soldiers, Japanese, in China, 185 
Soldiers Relief Society, 3 1 
Soldiers, return of the 34,000, 32 
South Africa, 221 
South America, 46 
South Manchurian Railroad, 82, 
87, 124 sq., 161, 188 



INDEX 



283 



South Manchurian Railroad, com- 
pared with Russian rail- 
ways, 124, 125 

freight rates of, 132 

hotels of, 126 

lease of, 133 

mileage of, 124 

schools of, 126 

uplift work of, 129 
Soviet forces, 32 

government, 35, 36 
Spain, 47, 56 
Spaniard, 46 
Spanish possessions, 46 
Spargo, John, 34, 44, 193 

on Russia, 171 
Speer, Robert E., 238 
Steamship companies, 224 
Stephens, Governor of California, 

209 
Stevens, John F., 247 
Straight, Willard D., 134 
Strikes, no 
Students' ideas on Korea and 

Shantung, 118 
Styer, Colonel, 27, 28 
Suffrage, male, 96 

universal, 119 
Sumitomo, 228 
Sunday school, 239, 260 
Sungari River, 135 
Suzuki Bunji, 106, 107, no 
Suzuki & Co., 105 
Syria, 192 

T'ai Wen Kun, 49, 50, 141 
Takagi, Mr. M., 160 
Takeyanagi, General, 95 
Tanaka, Major, 26, 27 

detachment of soldiers under, 26 



Tayeh iron mines, 175 
Temperance, 248 
Tendo Sect, 152 
Tendokyo, 50 
Terauchi Cabinet, 94 
Territorial integrity of China, 59 
Third Division, 24 
Thirty-First Regiment, 22 
Three armies in Siberia, 95 
Tientsin, 50, 56, 123, 191, 270 

Treaty of, 50, 5 r 
Tobita, 256 
Togo, Admiral, 60 
Tokugawa shogunate, 47 
Tokyo, 8, 24, 33, 53, 229 
"Tong-haks," 50 
Tongking, 55, 56 
Trans-Baikal, 23 

famine relief of, 14 
Trans-Caspian Territory, 37, 41 
Trans-Siberian Railroad, 23, 247 

improvement of, 29 
Treat, Prof, 205, 207, 210, 212 
Troops, Chinese, in Korea, 51 

in Siberia, 43 

Japanese, in Korea, 51 
Tsaochoufu, 62 
Tsao Ju Lin, 179 
Tsinanfu, 67, 81 
Tsingtau, 55, 73, 76, 183 
Tsitsichar, 134 
Tsuda, Miss, 254 
Tsushima, 121, 235 

battle of, 60 
Tuberculosis, 227 
Turtle Bay, 200 
Twelfth Division, 22, 24 
Twenty-one Demands, 4, 25, 57, 
74, 76, 78, 167, 172, 201 

printed in full, 80 sq. 



284 



INDEX 



Twenty-Seventh Regiment, 22 
Two Hundred and Three Meter 

Hill, 121 
Two Streams, the, 78 

Uchida, Viscount, on Shantung, 

178, 179 
Uemura, Masahira, 254, 258 
United States, 56, 168 

Note to Japan and China, 74 
Universal suffrage, 119 
Urals, 21 
Ussuri, 28 

Vladivostok, 3, 7, 10, 22, 23, 24, 

57, 78, 141, 246 
Vodka, 13 

War Minister, 9 

Washington, 33 

Wei Hai Wei, 55, 191 

Welch, Bishop, 162, 164 

Welfare undertakings, following 

rice riots, 105 
Weng T'ung-Ho, 70 
West, secrets of the, 49 
Whaling industry, 47 
White patriotism, 168 
Williams, Dr. S. Wells, 48 
Wilson, President Woodrow, 21, 

32, 38, 43, 94, 106, 149, 

150, 190, 199, 212 
on secret agreements, "]"] 
on Shantung, 177, 178, 218, 239, 

247 
Winn, Dr. T. C, 129 
Witte, Count, 61 
Wo Jen, 52 
Woman Question, 230 

Printed in the United 



Woon Hong Lyuh, 137 
World Almanac, 56, 222 
World expansion, 239 
World Outlook, The, 137 
Wuchang, 175 
Wu Lien Teh, Dr., 183, 184 

Xavier, Francis, 46 

Yalu River, 58 

Yamada, 229 

Yamagata, Prince, 97, 116, 211 

Civil Governor, 156 
Yamamuro, Gunpei, Colonel, 257 
Yamato, 187, 199 
Yangtse Valley, 55, 174, 242 
Yedo Bay, 4 
"Yellow Peril," 189 
Yokohama, 47, 48 

missionary from, 3 
Yomiuri, 199, 231 
Yorozu, 188, 237 
Yoshino, Prof. Sakuzo, 268 

address of, 102 

interview with, 103 

on Japan's dual government, 1 14 
Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion, 10, 120, 246, 249, 252, 
2SS> 257, 259, 261, 268 

club car of, 24 
Young Men's Reconstruction So- 
ciety, 97 
Yuaikai, 106, 107 
Yuan Shih-K'ai, 50, 51, 76, 135 

in Seoul, 140 
Yufuka, 26 

Zemstvos, 36, 42 
Zimmerman Note, 202 
States of America 



